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Bible  Study  Textbook  Series 


OCT   4  19] 


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SUsftki  I'f^ 


Old  Testament  History 


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BY 


ISMAR  J.  PERITZ,  Ph.D.  (Harvard) 

Professor  of  Biblical  Languages  and  Literatures  and  Willard  Ives 
Professor  of  the  English  Bible,  Syracuse  University 


THE    ABINGDON     PRESS 

NEW  YORK  CINCINNATI 


Copyright,  igiS,  by 
ISMAR   J.   PERITZ 


The  text  printed  in  italics  in  this  volume  is  taken  from  the  American  Standard 
Edition  of  the  Revised  Bible,  copyright,  1901,  by  Thomas  Nelson  &  Sons,  and  is 
used  by  permission. 


TO 

CRAWFORD   HOWELL  TOY,  LL.D. 

HARVARD  UNIVERSITY 

INSPIRING  TEACHER  AND  NOBLE  FRIEND 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Publishers'  Announcement 13 

Preface 15 

INTRODUCTORY 
Introduction 19 

I,  Our  Interest  in  Old  Testament  History.    2.  IMain   Divisions  of 

Old  Testament  History. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

CHAPTER  I.     The  Sources  of  Old  Testament  History 23 

3.  The  Biblical  Sources.  4,  The  Use  of  the  Biblical  Sources. 
5.  Classification  of  the  Biblical  Sources.  6.  The  Hebrew 
Laws.  7.  Old  Testament  Historical  Literature.  8.  The 
Prophetic  Literature  as  Historical  Source.  9.  The  Liturgical 
Literature.  10.  The  Wisdom  Literature.  11.  The  Apocalyptic 
Literature.     12.  The  Extra- Biblical  Sources. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

CHAPTER  II.     The  Land  of  Palestine 32 

13.  The  Old  Testament  World.  14.  The  Boundaries  of  Pales- 
tine. 15.  The  Coast  Plains.  16.  The  Central  Plateau  and 
the  Valley  of  Esdraelon.  17.  The  Valley  of  the  Jordan  and 
the  Dead  Sea.  18.  The  East- Jordan  Plateaus.  19.  The  High- 
ways of  Palestine.  20.  The  General  Character  of  Palestine. 
21.  Israel's  Neighbors. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

PART  I 

THE  FORMATIVE  PERIOD 

From  the  Beginnings  to  the  Death  of  Solomon — 933  B.  C. 

CHAPTER  III.    The  Formation  of  the  Hebrew  Tribes 43 

I.   The  Origin  of  the  Hebrew  Race 

22.  The  General  Contents  of  Gen.  i  to  11.  23.  The  Two  Ac- 
counts of  the  Creation.  24.  The  Two  Accounts  of  the  Flood. 
25.  The  Tables  of  the  Nations. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

2.   The  Patriarchal  Tribal  Migrations 
26.  The  General  Contents  of  Gen.  12  to  50.    27.  The  History  of 
Abraham.     28.  The  History  of  Jacob-Israel.     29.  The  Story 
of  Joseph  and  His  Brethren.    30.  The  Literary  and  Historical 
Character  of  the  Patriarchal  Stories. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

5 


6  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

J.  The  Traditions  of  Genesis  in  the  Light  of  Contemporaneous  History 
31.  The  Original  Home  and  Migrations  of  the  Semites.    32.  The 
Amorite  Migration.  33.    The  Elamite  Ascendancy  and  Gen. 
14.    34.  The  Reign  of  Hammurabi.    35.  The  Hyksos-Canaanite 
Migration.    36.  The  Tell  el-Amarna  Period.    37.  The  Hittites. 
38.  The  Habiri.     39.  The  Aramean   Migration.     40.  Jacob- 
Israel.     41.  The  Patriarchal  Tribal  Mode  of  Life  and  Settle- 
ments.     42.  The  Descent  into  Egypt.     43.  The  Presupposi- 
tions of  the  Biblical  Tradition. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

CHAPTER  IV.    The    Awakening    of    the    National    Con- 
sciousness— Moses 64 

I.   The  Emancipation 

44.  The  Biblical  Sources.  45.  The  Egyptian  Enslavement. 
46.  The  Date  of  the  Exodus.  47.  The  Call  of  Moses.  48.  The 
Passover  and  the  Exodus.  49.  The  Crossing  of  the  Red  Sea. 
50.  The  Historical  Situation. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

2.   The  Life  in  the  Desert 

51.  The  Biblical  Data.  52.  The  Provisions  of  the  Desert. 
53.  The  Hebrew  Residence  at  Kadesh.  54.  War  with  Amalek 
at  Rephidim.  55.  The  Judicial  Organization.  56.  The  Loca- 
tion of  Horeb-Sinai. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

3.  The  Religion  of  the  Time  of  Moses 

57.  The  Covenant  at  Horeb-Sinai.  58.  The  Hebrew  Pre- 
Mosaic  Religion.  59.  The  Enthronement  of  Jehovah.  60.  The 
Legislation  at  Horeb-Sinai.  61.  The  Origin  of  Hebrew  Law. 
62.  The  Decalogue.  63.  The  Ritual  Code  and  the  Book  of  the 
Covenant.  64.  The  Ark  of  Jehovah.  65.  The  Tent  of  Meet- 
ing. 66.  Rites  and  Festivals.  67.  The  Priests  and  Levites. 
68.  The  Character  and  Achievement  of  Moses.  69.  The 
Meaning  of  Moses  for  Subsequent  History. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

CHAPTER  V.    The  Conquest  and  Settlement  of  Palestine  .     96 

I.   The  Biblical  Sources 

70.  The  Contents  of  the  Book  of  Joshua.  71,  The  Contents  of 
the  Book  of  Judges.  72.  The  Character  of  the  Biblical  Sources. 
73.  The  Two  Views  of  the  Conquest.  74.  The  Framework  of 
the  History  of  the  Judges.  75.  The  Elements  of  P  and  J  and 
E.  76.  The  Sources  for  the  Conquest  of  South  and  East 
Palestine. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

2.  The  Invasion  of  Palestine 

77.  The  Task  of  the  Invaders.  78.  The  Southern  Occupation. 
79.  The  Occupation  of  Eastern  Palestine.  80.  The  Occupa- 
tion of  Western  Palestine.    81.  The  War  of  Deliverance. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 


CONTENTS  7 

PAGE 

J.  The  Tribal  Heroes 
82.  Gideon.    83.  Abimelcch.    84.  Jeplithah.   85.  Saiiison.   86.  The 

Settlement  of  the  Danites.     87.  The  Final  Settlement  of  the 

Tribes. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

4.  The  Social,  Moral,  and  Religious  Conditions  during  the 
Period  of  Occupation 

88.  The  Social  Life.    89.  Government.    90.  Culture.    91.  Morals. 

92.  Religion. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

CHAPTER  VI.    The  Establishment  of  the  Monarchy 122 

/.  Samuel  and  Saul 

93.  The  Philistine  Aggressions.     94.  Samuel  and  the  Kingship. 

95.  Saul's  Victory  over  the  Philistines.     96.  Samuel's  Break 

with  Saul. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

2.   The  Rise  of  David 

97.  David  at  the  Court  of  Saul.  98.  David's  Outlaw  Life. 
99.  David  among  the  Philistines.  100.  The  Philistine  Victory 
and  the  Death  of  Saul.  loi.  The  Achievements  and  Character 
of  Saul. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

3 .  David,  King  of  Judah 

102.  David's  Grief  over  the  Death  of  Saul.  103,  David  Made 
King  of  Judah  at  Hebron.  104.  Esh-baal,  Saul's  Successor. 
105.  Da-^id  Made  King  of  Israel. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

CHAPTER  VII.    The  Establishment  of  the  National  Mon- 
archy— David 136 

106.  The  Wars  of  Deliverance  from  the  Philistines.  107.  The 
Establishment  of  the  National  Capital  at  Jerusalem. 
108.  David's  Wars  of  Conquest,  109.  The  Organization  of 
David's  Kingdom  and  Internal  Affairs,  no.  David's  Family 
Life.  III.  Absalom's  Rebellion.  112.  The  Rebellion  of 
Sheba.  113.  The  Last  Days  of  David.  114.  The  Character 
and  Achievements  of  David. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

CHAPTER  VIII.     The  Development  of  the  National  Re- 
sources— Solomon i49 

I.  The  Reign  of  Solomon 
115.  The  Accession  of  Solomon.     116.  The  Policy  of  Solomon. 

117.  Solomon's  Palace  and  Temple.     118.  The  Character  and 

Achievements  of  Solomon. 
Suggestions  for  Study, 


8  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

2.  Life  During  the  Monarchy 
119.  Social  Life.     120.  Culture.     121.  Religion. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

PART  II 

THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  PROPHETS 
From  the  Division  of  the  Kingdom,  933  B.  C,  to  the  Restora- 
tion under  Cyrus,  538  B.  C. 
CHAPTER  IX.     The  Kingdom  of  Israel 163 

From  the  Division  of  the  Kingdom  to  the  Fall  of  Samaria — 
933-722  B.  C. 

I.  The  Division  of  the  Kingdom 
122.  The  Biblical  Sources.     123.  The  Division  and  Its  Causes. 
124.  The  Political  Consequences.     125.  The  Religious  Conse- 
quences.    126.  From  Jeroboam  I  to  Omri. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

2.   The  Dynasty  of  Omri 

127.  The  Reign  of  Omri.     128.  Political  Events  in  Israel  and 

Judah  to  Jehu. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

J.   The  Religious  and  Social  Crisis  in  Israel 

129.  Baalism.  130.  The  Champions  of  Jehovah  against  Baalism. 
131.  The  Contest  on  Carmel.  132.  The  Theophany  at  Horeb. 
133.  The  Interview  of  Elisha  with  Hazael.  134.  The  Anoint- 
ing and  Commission  of  Jehu.     135.  Israel  and  Judah's  Decline. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

4.   The  Political  Recovery  of  Israel  and  Judah 

136.  The  Reign  of  Jehoash.     137.  The  Reigns  of  Jeroboam  II 

and  Uzziah. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

5.  The  Social  and  Religious  Life  of  the  Divided  Kingdom  to  the 
New  Prophetism 

138.  The  Biblical  Data.     139.  The  Political  and  Social  Ideals. 

140.  The  Religious  and  Ethical  Ideals. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

6.   The  New  Prophetism 

141.  The  Biblical  Data.  142.  The  Character  of  the  New  Prophet- 
ism. 143.  The  Prophet  Amos.  144.  The  Book  of  Amos. 
145.  The  Message  of  Amos.  146.  The  Elohist  Source  in  the 
Hexateuch. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

7.   The  End  of  the  Northern  Kingdom 

147.  The  Political  Changes  after  Jeroboam  II.  148.  The  Prophet 
Hosea.  149.  The  Message  of  Hosea.  150.  The  Prophet  Isaiah. 
151.  The  Writings  of  Isaiah.  152.  The  Syro-Ephraimitic  War. 
153.  The  Siege  of  Samaria.  1 54.  The  Prophet  Micah.  155.  The 
Fall  of  Samaria.  156.  The  Origin  of  the  Samaritans.  157.  The 
Contribution  of  the  Northern  Kingdom. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 


CONTENTS  9 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  X.    The  Kingdom  of  Judah  to  the  Destruction 

OF  Jerusalem,  586  B.C i94 

I.  King  Hezekiah  and  the  Prophet  Isaiah 
158.  Events  in  Assyria,  Egypt,  and  Babylonia.  159.  Hezekiah's 
Reformation.  160.  Isaiah  and  Sargon's  Campaign  agamst 
Ashdod.  161.  The  Babylonian  Embassy  of  Merodach- 
Baladan.  162.  The  Pro-Egyptian  Policy.  163.  Sennacherib's 
Invasion.  164.  The  Character  and  Achievements  of  Isaiah. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

2.  The  Religious  Reaction  under  Manas seh  and  the  Law  of 
Deuteronomy 
165.  The  Character  of  the  Reaction.     166.  The  Problem  of  the 
Prophetic  Party.     167.  The  Law  of  Deuteronomy.     168.  The 
Purpose  of  the  Law. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

J.  The  Reign  of  Josiah 

169.  The  Prophets  Nahum,  Zephaniah,  and  Jeremiah.  170.  The 
Finding  of  the  Book  of  the  Law.  171.  The  Great  Reforma- 
tion. 172.  The  Significance  of  the  Deuteronomic  Covenant. 
173.  The  Death  of  Josiah. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

4.  The  Prophet  Jeremiah  and  the  End  of  Judah 

174.  The  Sources.  175.  The  Earlier  Life  and  Activity  of  Jere- 
miah. 176.  The  Reign  of  Jehoiakim.  177.  Jeremiah's  Cour- 
age. 178.  The  Rise  of  Babylonia.  179-  The  Prophet  Habak- 
kuk.  180.  The  First  Deportation  to  Babylon.  181.  Zedekiah's 
Reign  and  Rebellion.  182.  Jeremiah's  Contest  with  the  Pro- 
Egyptian  Party.  183.  The  Prophet  Ezekiel.  184.  The  Siege 
of  Jerusalem.  185.  The  Capture  of  the  King  and  the  Destruc- 
tion of  Jerusalem.  186.  The  Murder  of  Gedaliah.  187.  The 
Character  and  Message  of  Jeremiah. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

CHAPTER  XI.    The  Exile 217 

I.   The  Centers  of  the  Exiles 
188.   The  Exile  as  a  Transition.      189.   Fallen  Judah  and  Its 
Neighbors.     190.  The  Exiles  in  Egypt.     191.  The  Exiles  in 
Babylonia.       192.    Ezekiel 's    Activity    Among    the    Exiles. 
193.  The  Character  and  Message  of  Ezekiel. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

2.  The  Literature  of  the  Exile 
194.  The  Literary  Activity  of  the  Exile.     195.  The  Prophetic 

Literature.     196.  The  Law  of  Holiness. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

4.  The  Great  Prophet  of  the  Exile 
197.  The  Later  Years  of  the  Exile.     198.  The  Rise  of  Cyrus. 
199.    Prophecies   on    the    Downfall    of    Babylon.      200.    The 
Great  Prophet  of  the  Exile.    201.  The  Character  and  Message 
of  Deutero-Isaiah. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 


lo  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

5.  The  Religious  and  Social  Teachings  of  the  Prophets 
202.  The  Prophet  as  a  Religious  and  Social  Force.  203.  The 
Ethical  Monotheism  of  the  Prophets.  204.  The  Moral  and 
Spiritual  Nature  of  Religion.  205.  I'he  Social  and  Demo- 
cratic Ideals  of  the  Prophets.  206.  The  Optimism  of  the 
Prophets. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

PART  III 

THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  PRIESTS  AND  SCRIBES 

From  Cyrus,  538  B.  C,  to  Herod  I,  4  A.  D. 

CHAPTER  XII.    The  Restoration  of  the  Jewish  Community.  239 

(The  Persian  Period,  538-333  B.  C.) 

I.  The  Reawaketiing  of  the  Jewish  Community  in  Palestine — 

Sheshbazzar 

207.  The  Persian  Rulers.    208.  The  Biblical  Sources.    209.  The 

Edict  of  Cyrus. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

2.  The  Rebuilding  of  the  Temple — Zerubbabel 

210.  The  Rebuilding  of  the  Temple.    211.  The  Prophet  Haggai. 

212.  The  Laying  of  the  Foundations  of  the  Temple.    213.  The 

Prophet   Zechariah.      214.    The    Dedication   of   the   Temple. 

215.   The  Condition  of  the  Jewish   Community.     216.   The 

Book  of  Malachi.    217.  Isaiah  56  to  59. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

3.  The  Reorganization  Under  Nehemiah 
218.  The  Biblical  Sources.     219.  The  Condition  of  Jerusalem. 

220.  Nehemiah  Governor  of  Jerusalem.    221.  The  Opposition. 

222.  The  Completion  of  the  Walls.     223.  Nehemiah's  Other 

Reforms.     224.  The  Reforms  of  Nehemiah's  Second  Term. 

225.  The  Character  and  Achievements  of  Nehemiah. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

4.  Ezra  and  the  Institution  of  the  Priestly  Law 
226.  The  Biblical  Sources.  227.  The  Return  Under  Ezra. 
228.  Ezra's  Marriage  Reforms.  229.  The  Reading  of  the 
Law.  230.  The  Adoption  of  the  Priestly  Law.  231.  The 
Character  of  the  Priestly  Law.  232.  The  Effect  of  the  Insti- 
tution of  the  Law.  233.  The  Establishment  of  the  Samaritan 
Community. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

5,   The  Suffering  Community  and  the  Problem  of  Job 
234.  The  Last  Decades  of  the  Persian  Rule.    235.  The  Prophecy 

of  Joel.    236.  The  Problem  of  the  Book  of  Job. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 


CONTENTS  II 

PAGE 

6.  The  Religious  and  Social  Ideals  Under  the  Law 
237.     Religious     Conceptions.       238,     Religious     Institutions. 

239.  Protests  Against  Particularism.     240.  The  Jewish  Piety 

of  the  Psalms. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

CHAPTER  XIII.    Judaism  in  Contact  with  Hellenism 278 

(The  Greek  Period,  333-175  B.  C.) 

J.  The  Political  Events 

241.  General  Character  of  the  Greek  Period.  242.  Effects  of 
the  Conquest  of  Alexander  the  Great.  243.  The  Conditions 
Under  the  Seleucids.  244.  The  Conditions  Under  the  Ptole- 
mies.   245.  The  Syrian  Conquest  of  Palestine. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

2.  The  Literature  of  the  Greek  Period 
246.  The  Prophetic  Literature.    247.  The  Chronicler's  Ecclesias- 
tical History. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

3.  The  Wisdom  Literature  and  Its  Ideals 
248.   The   Wisdom   Literature.      249.    The   Book   of   Proverbs. 
250.  The  Book  of  Ecclesiasticus.     251.  The  Book  of  Eccle- 
siastes.     252.  The  Psalms  of  Reflection.     253.  The  Religious, 
Moral,  and  Social  Ideals  of  the  Wisdom  Literature. 

4.  Secular  Poetry  and  the  Influence  of  Hellenism 
254.  The  Song  of  Solomon.    255.  The  Influence  of  Hellenism. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

CHAPTER  XIV.    Judaism  in  Conflict  with  Hellenism 292 

(The  Maccabean  Period,  175-63  B.  C.) 

I.  The  Crisis  of  Judaism 

256.  The  Biblical  Sources.  257.  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  258.  The 
Hellenistic  Jewish  High  Priests.  259.  The  Religious  Persecu- 
tions.   260.  The  Jewish  Martyrs. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

2.   The  Book  of  Daniel 
261.  The  Origin  and  Content  of  the  Book.    262.  Its  Character 

and  Purpose. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

J.  The  Maccabean  Uprising 

263.  The  Revolt  of  Mattathias  and  His  Sons.  264.  Judas  Mac- 
cabeus. 265.  The  Restoration  of  the  Temple  Service.  266.  The 
Jews  of  Egypt. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 


12  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  XV.    The  Rule  of  the  Maccabean  Priests.  .     . .   303 

I.  The  Reestablishment  of  Religious  and  National  Independence 
267.  The  Wars  of  Judas.  268.  The  Establishment  of  ReHgious 
Liberty.  269.  The  High  Priest  Alcimus.  270.  Judas's  AlHance 
with  Rome,  and  His  Death.  271.  Jonathan  and  the  Begin- 
nings of  Political  Independence.     272.  The  End  of  Jonathan. 

273.  Simon  and  the  Establishment  of  National  Independence. 

274.  The  Death  of  Simon. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

2.  The  Conflicts  Between  Pharisees  and  Sadducees 

275.  The  Rise  of  the  Parties  of  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees. 
276.  John  Hyrcanus  and  the  National  Growth.  277.  The 
Later  Hasmonean  Rulers.  278.  Alexander  Jannaeus.  279.  Alex- 
andra. 280.  Aristobulus  11.  281.  Pompey's  Capture  of 
Jerusalem. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

J .  The  Literature  and  Life  of  the  Maccabean  Period 

282.  The  Maccabean  Psalms.    283.  The  Book  of  Esther.  284.  The 

Book  of  Judith.    285.  The  Book  of  Tobit. 
Suggestions  for  Study. 

CHAPTER  XVI.    The  Jews  Under  Roman  Rule 318 

(The  Roman  Period,  63  B.  C.  to  70  A.  D.) 

1.  The  Loss  of  Jewish  Independence 

286.  The  Rivalries  of  the  Hasmoneans.  287.  The  Rise  of  Anti- 
pater.  288.  The  Sons  of  Antipater,  Phasael  and  Herod. 
289.  The  Parthians  in  Syria.  290.  The  Reign  of  Antigonus. 
291.  The  Reign  of  Herod.    292.  The  Character  of  Herod. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

2.  The  Developed  Form  of  Judaism 

293.  The  Scribes.  294.  The  Legislation  of  the  Scribes.  295.  The 
Synagogue.  296.  The  Synagogue  as  a  Social  Center.  297.  The 
Synagogue  Assemblies.  298.  The  Synagogue  Service. 
299-  Jewish  Parties.  300.  The  Pharisees.  301.  The  Sad- 
ducees. 302.  The  Essenes.  303.  Zealots  and  Herodians. 
304.  The  Conception  of  God,  305.  The  Ethical  Ideals. 
306.  The  Messianic  Hopes.  307.  The  Messianic  Conception 
of  the  Suffering  Servant.     308.  Summary. 

Suggestions  for  Study. 

Selected  Bibliography 334 

MAPS 

The  Old  Testament  World.    Frontispiece. 

Modern  Palestine,  with  Ancient  Towns  and  Highways.    Facing 

page  32. 
United  and  Divided  Hebrew  Kingdoms.    Facing  page  122. 
Assyrian,  Babylonian,  and  Persian  Empires.    Facing  page  136. 
Palestine  During  the  Greek  and  Roman  Periods.  Facing  page  292. 


PUBLISHERS'  ANNOUNCEMENT 

For  some  time  past  there  has  been  a  growing  conviction 
of  the  need  of  a  more  complete  and  comprehensive  study  of 
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received  new  emphasis  and  practical  direction.  A  complete 
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and  Y.  W.  C.  A.,  and  Sunday  School  Council. 

In  harmony  with  the  action  just  noted  The  Ab)ingdon 
Press  has  arranged  for  the  prompt  publication  of  a  series  of 
Bible  study  texts.  The  complete  course  will  include  the 
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J.  Peritz,  of  Syracuse  University;  New  Testament  History, 
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Theology;  The  Bible  as  Literature,  by  Prof.  Irving  F.  Wood 
and  Prof.  Elihu  Grant,  of  Smith  College;  Social  Institu- 
tions and  Ideals  of  the  Bible,  by  Prof.  Theodore  G.  Soares, 
University  of  Chicago ;  and  The  History  and  Principles  of 
Religious  Education,  by  Prof.  F.  H.  Swift,  University  of 
Minnesota. 

The  volumes  on  New  Testament  History  and  The  Bible 
as  Literature  have  been  in  use  during  the  college  year  1914- 
191 5.  Professor  Peritz's  volume  on  Old  Testament  History 
and  Professor  Soares'  Social  Institutions  and  Ideals  of  the 
Bible  are  now  published.  The  last  book  in  the  series,  The 
History  and  Principles  of  Religious  Education  by  Professor 
Swift,  is  in  preparation  and  will  be  ready  for  use  in  the 
second  semester  of  1915-1916.  These  books  have  been  pre- 
pared with  a  view  to  the  requirements  of  the  college  course 

13 


14  PUBLISHERS'  ANNOUNCEMENT 

and  the  needs  of  the  students.  The  authors  are  acknowl- 
edged experts  in  their  respective  fields — scholars  and 
teachers  of  wide  repute.  The  publishers  cordially  commend 
this  course  to  the  attention  of  Bible  students  and  teachers 
everywhere. 

The  Abingdon  Press. 


PREFACE 

The  present  treatment  of  Old  Testament  history  aims  to 
conform  to  the  object  of  the  series  as  handbooks  to  Bible 
study.  The  Bible  itself  is,  accordingly,  the  main  primary 
source.  In  each  section  the  biblical  text,  as  indicated  in  the 
margin,  is  the  basis  of  the  discussion,  and  requires  the  first 
attention  of  the  student.  Where  the  biblical  material  is 
most  abundant  the  history  is  consequently  the  fullest.  But 
it  has  become  increasingly  evident  that  the  material  of  the 
Bible  is  not  chronologically  arranged,  but  that  accounts 
centuries  apart  in  their  origin  and  point  of  view  are  often 
found  side  by  side  or  interwoven  with  each  other.  The 
recognition  of  this  fact  is  the  result  of  the  historical  and 
scientific  method  of  the  Bible  study  of  our  day.  It  will 
account  for  the  order  and  method  here  adopted.  If  the 
reason  for  the  procedure  is  not  always  fully  stated,  it  is 
due  to  the  design  of  the  series  not  to  deal  so  much  with 
the  process  as  with  the  results  achieved.  Only  where 
silence  would  leave  the  biblical  situation  obscure  was  it 
deemed  necessary  to  enter  into  the  discussion  of  critical 
questions,  and  then  only  in  the  briefest  way  possible.  The 
logical  movement  of  Old  Testament  history  which  is  the 
outcome  of  the  critical  use  of  the  biblical  material  proves 
ultimately  its  strongest  justification. 

But  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that  there  is  strict  practical 
religious  value  in  biblical  criticism.  For  it  has  become 
evident  that  the  uncritical  use  of  the  Bible  in  taking  every- 
thing just  as  it  stands  has  led  in  large  measure  to  a  dis- 
tortion of  God's  way  in  dealing  with  man.  Biblical  criti- 
cism, which  accounts  for  many  abnormal  situations  in  Old 
Testament  history,  renders  an  important  service  not  only 
in  making  us  see  just  exactly  what  the  Bible  is,  but  also 
in  making  us  see  that  God  dealt  with  people  in  biblical 
times  very  much  in  the  same  way  as  he  deals  with  us  now. 

A  source  of  information  of  highest  value  in  Bible  study, 

15 


i6  PREFACE 

and  ranking  next  to  the  Bible  itself,  are  the  discoveries  in 
Bible  lands  with  which  our  time  has  been  remarkably 
favored.  Wherever  possible,  attention  has  been  called  to 
the  light  from  the  monuments  and  other  finds  upon  the 
biblical  passage  under  discussion. 

The  purpose  of  Religious  Education  which  underlies  this 
series  has  naturally  determined  the  choice  in  the  many 
interests  which  the  Bible  offers.  The  emphasis  has  conse- 
quently been  placed  upon  the  distinguished  personalities, 
the  religious,  moral,  and  social  ideas,  and  fundamental 
institutions  of  the  Old  Testament,  rather  than  upon  mere 
historical  events ;  and  the  latter  have  been  dealt  with  only 
in  so  far  as  they  are  needed  to  explain  the  historical 
background  of  the  former. 

Underlying  the  entire  treatment  of  the  subject  is  the 
conviction  that  "God,  having  of  old  time  spoken  unto  the 
fathers  in  the  prophets  by  divers  portions  and  in  divers 
manners,  hath  at  the  end  of  these  days  spoken  unto  us  in 
a  Son,"  which  means  that  the  Old  Testament  history  is  a 
divine  revelation  preparatory  to  and  culminating  in  the 
person  and  teachings  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  Prophet  of 
Nazareth.  It  is,  therefore,  in  the  light  of  the  highest  stage 
of  the  development  of  divine  revelation  that  the  values  of 
Old  Testament  ideals  are  here  estimated.  This  will  account 
for  the  frankness  with  which  the  lower  moral  and  spiritual 
ideals,  or,  in  other  words,  the  faults  of  the  saints  of  the 
Old  Testament,  as  well  as  their  virtues,  have  been  pointed 
out.  For  he  that  lives  in  the  broad  daylight  of  divine  reve- 
lation has  no  need  to  fear  the  dangers  that  lurk  in  the 
twilight  or  the  dark.  The  best  evidence  of  the  divine 
character  of  biblical  religion  lies,  not  in  its  inception  or 
earlier  stages,  but  in  its  culmination. 

The  object  held  in  view  was  to  obtain  clear-cut  moral 
and  spiritual  ideals  for  the  religious  and  moral  education 
of  our  own  time. 

Syracuse  University,  1915. 


INTRODUCTORY 


INTRODUCTION 

I.     Our    Interest    in    Old    Testament    History.      Old 

Testament  history  is  the  history  of  the  Hebrews  who  have 
prolonged  their  existence  for  over  three  thousand  years  to 
the  present  time  on  a  high  level  of  civilization.  The  his- 
tory of  such  a  people  deserves  our  study  for  its  own  sake 
as  prompted  by  our  interest  in  the  human  race.  The  out- 
come of  this  history  is  a  collection  of  literature  which  is 
full  of  references  to  ancient  life,  and  to  those  interested  in 
antiquity  Old  Testament  history  offers  a  rich  field.  But 
the  Hebrews  did  not  live  merely  for  themselves;  men  like 
Moses,  David,  or  Isaiah  have  affected  the  history  of  civiliza- 
tion, particularly  our  own  civilization,  and  if  we  would  know 
the  sources  whence  came  many  of  the  priceless  contribu- 
tions to  our  civilization.  Old  Testament  history  will  be  to 
us  of  great  historical  interest.  Yet,  after  all,  our  chief 
interest  is  religious.  If  the  Greeks  had  the  genius  for  art, 
and  the  Romans  for  law,  the  Hebrews  had  the  genius  for 
religion.  The  conceptions  of  a  personal  God  who  revealed 
himself  in  history,  a  divinely  authoritative  code  of  morals, 
and  the  hope  of  a  universal  kingdom  of  God  are  the 
contributions  of  this  genius  to  the  well-being  of  humanity. 
But  this  religious  interest  is  enhanced  by  the  fact  that 
Christianity  has  its  roots  in  Old  Testament  history.  Christ's 
personal  life  and  teachings  presuppose  the  religious  and 
ethical  ideas  of  the  Old  Testament.  The  new  element  that 
Christianity  brings  is  represented  as  the  fulfillment  of  Old 
Testament  hopes  and  promises,  and  throughout  the  entire 
New  Testament  the  Old  Testament  is  regarded  as  the 
preparation  for  the  complete  divine  revelation  in  the  person 
of  Christ.     For  this  reason  an  intelligent  appreciation  of 

19 


20  INTRODUCTION 

the  character  and  mission  of  Christianity  requires  a  knowl- 
edge of  Old  Testament  history. 

2.  Main  Divisions  of  Old  Testament  History.  Hebrew 
history  is  thus  predominantly  religious  history.  Its  political 
aspects  are  comparatively  insignificant,  and  consist  of  a 
series  of  conquests  by  Assyria,  Egypt,  Babylonia,  Persia, 
Greece,  and  Rome.  But  while  these  conquests  bring  Israel 
into  the  vortex  of  international  movements,  they  are  sig- 
nificant mainly  for  what  drift  they  gave  to  the  develop- 
ment of  Hebrew  religion,  the  divinely  assigned  task  in  the 
making  of  civilization. 

With  regard  to  this  religious  tendency  in  Hebrew  history, 
we  may  divide  it  into  three  main  periods,  as  f ollov/s : 

I.  The  Formative  Period^  extending  from  its  earliest 
beginnings  to  the  Death  of  Solomon,  933  B.  C.  During  this 
period  the  Hebrew  people  passed  through  the  various  stages 
of  their  material  development  until  it  had  reached  its  height 
under  David  and  Solomon. 

II.  The  Period  of  the  Prophets,  extending  from  the 
Division  of  the  Monarchy,  upon  the  death  of  Solomon,  to 
the  Restoration  in  the  time  of  Cyrus,  933-538  B.  C.  During 
this  period  the  Hebrew  state  passed  through  various  stages 
of  dissolution,  ending  in  the  exile.  It  gave  the  prophets  of 
Israel  the  occasion  to  view  religious  truth  apart  from  the 
national  life.  It  aided  them  to  attain  to  their  highest  con- 
ceptions in  religion  and  morals,  consisting  in  a  pure  ethical 
monotheism,  that  is,  the  belief  in  one  personal  and  holy 
God,  and  a  broad  universalism. 

HI.  The  Period  of  the  Priests,  extending  from  the 
Restoration  in  the  time  of  Cyrus  to  Herod  I,  538  B.  C. — 
4  A.  D.  During  this  period  the  Jewish  national  Hfe  de- 
veloped into  a  church  rather  than  a  state,  into  a  hierarchy 
instead  of  a  monarchy.  The  emphasis  was  upon  the  Law, 
ritualism,  and  a  narrow  exclusivism.  The  result  was  the 
formation  of  petty  sects,  each  with  its  own  national  hopes 
and  aspirations. 


INTRODUCTION  21 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Consider  the  various  interests  that  call  for  the  study  of  Old 
Testament  history  as  compared  with  other  ancient  or  modern 
peoples,  and  note  the  particular  religious  and  moral  interest. 

2.  Commit  to  memory  the  main  divisions  of  Old  Testament  his- 
tory, with  the  dates;  and  regard  it  as  the  frame  to  be  filled  in 
with  living  facts  in  the  subsequent  study. 


CHAPTER  I 

THE  SOURCES  OF  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

3.  The  Biblical  Sources.  The  biblical  sources  in 
their  present  form  consist  of  canonical,  apocryphal,  and 
pseudepigraphal  collections : 

1.  The  Canonical  Scriptures  the  Hebrews  arranged  on 
a  different  principle  from  that  in  the  Greek  and  Latin  Bibles, 
followed  in  the  English  Bible,  and  the  arrangement  is  as 
follows : 

(i)  The  Law.  Genesis,  Exodus,  Leviticus,  Numbers, 
Deuteronomy. 

(2)  The  Prophets,  (a)  The  ''Former"  Prophets — 
Joshua,  Judges,  First  and  Second  Samuel,  First  and  Second 
Kings,  {h)  The  "Latter"  Prophets— (a)  ''Major"  Proph- 
ets: Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel;  (b)  "Minor"  Prophets: 
Hosea,  Joel,  Amos,  Obadiah,  Jonah,  Micah,  Nahum, 
Habakkuk,   Zephaniah,   Haggai,   Zechariah,   Malachi. 

(3)  The  Writings.  Psalms,  Proverbs,  Job,  Song  of 
Solomon,  Ruth,  Lamentations,  Ecclesiastes,  Esther,  Daniel, 
Ezra,  Nehemiah,  First  and  Second  Chronicles. 

2.  The  Apocrypha  contain :  First  and  Second  Esdras, 
Tobit,  Judith,  The  Rest  of  Esther,  The  Wisdom  of  Solomon, 
Ecclesiasticus,  Baruch,  with  the  Epistle  of  Jeremiah,  The 
Song  of  the  Three  Holy  Children,  The  History  of  Susanna, 
Bel  and  the  Dragon,  The  Prayer  of  Manasses,  First  and 
Second  Maccabees.  These  writings,  which  in  many  re- 
spects resemble  the  canonical  books,  the  Jews  regarded  as 
of  inferior  inspiration ;  but  the  Greek  Bible  in  common  use 
in  the  early  church  contained  them  intermingled  with  the 
canonical  books. 

23 


24  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

3.  The  Pseudepigrapha  is  the  title  given  to  some 
apocryphal  books  not  included  in  the  Greek  Bible  or  English 
editions  of  the  Apocrypha,  which  include :  Third  and  Fourth 
Maccabees,  The  Psalms  of  Solomon,  The  Book  of  Enoch, 
The  Assumption  of  Moses,  The  Apocalypse  of  Baruch, 
The  Testament  of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs,  The  Book  of 
Jubilees,  The  Ascension  of  Isaiah,  and  the  Sibylline  Oracles. 
They  belong  to  the  closing  centuries  of  the  Old  Testament 
era,  and  as  products  of  it  require  attention. 

4.  The  Use  of  the  Biblical  Sources.  In  writing  any 
history  our  first  task  is  to  inquire  where  we  shall  find  the 
materials  for  it.  The  answer  for  the  Old  Testament  seems 
very  simple.  These  are  given  in  the  books  of  the  Old 
Testament.  As  soon,  however,  as  we  examine  these  writ- 
ings closely  we  find  that  they  cannot  be  used  in  this  simple 
and  direct  manner.  A  careful  study  reveals  certain  facts 
upon  which  practically  all  scholars  are  now  agreed. 

1.  These  writings  are  not  simply  history,  and  were  not 
intended  as  such.  They  were  written  for  a  moral  and 
religious  purpose,  to  show  how  Jehovah  had  guided  and 
helped  the  nation,  and  by  the  use  of  the  past  to  warn  the 
people  of  sin  and  to  teach  them  the  right  way.  In  one 
sense  they  are  sermons  rather  than  history  as  usually 
conceived. 

2.  Most  of  these  writings  have  had  a  long  literary  history, 
and  earlier  accounts  have  been  combined  by  later  writers, 
while  still  later  writers  revised  and  edited  the  material, 
making  changes  to  harmonize  the  different  narratives.  This 
makes  the  task  of  the  historian  somewhat  more  difficult. 
He  must  try,  as  far  as  possible,  to  discover  the  original 
sources  and  to  determine  which  elements  are  the  more 
authentic  and  the  more  valuable;  nor  can  he  neglect  to 
make  use  of  the  valuable  material  contained  in  the 
Apocrypha  and  Pseudepigrapha,  the  main  sources  of  in- 
formation for  the  two  centuries  preceding  the  Christian  era. 

5.  Classification  of  the  Biblical  Sources.    The  biblical 


SOURCES  OF  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY    25 

material  is  substantially  the  literature  of  the  Hebrew  people 
for  the  period  under  discussion  in  which  all  the  various 
types  of  literary  composition  are  represented.  We  may 
distinguish  six  types :  (i)  Law;  (2)  History;  (3)  Prophecy; 
(4)  Liturgy;  (5)  Wisdom;  (6)  Apocalypse. 

6.  The  Hebrew  Laws.  Among  the  earliest  literary 
products  of  the  Hebrews  we  must  place  their  laws,  starting 
in  simple  collections  and  reaching  the  form  of  extensive 
codes  of  law.  These  codes  are  now  imbedded  in  the  his- 
torical narratives  of  Exodus-Deuteronomy,  yet  not  so  but 
that  it  is  possible  to  distinguish  them.  There  are  seven  such 
codes:  (i)  The  Decalogue,  Exod  20.  i-i7;*Deut  5.  6-21, 
found  in  two  slightly  varying  rescensions,  and  embodying 
moral  requirements;  (2)  The  Ritual  Decalogue,  Exod  34. 
10-26,  consisting  of  simple  requirements  relating  to  the 
religious  cult;  (3)  The  Social  Code,  Deut  2y.  15-26,  relating 
chiefly  to  social  duties;  (4)  The  Book  of  the  Covenant  (so 
called  Exod  24.  7),  Exod  20.  22  to  23.  19,  containing  both 
civil  and  ritual  laws  in  greater  detail;  (5)  The  Deuteron- 
omic  Law,  Deut  12  to  26.  28;  which  is  an  evident  expansion 
of  the  Book  of  the  Covenant;  (6)  The  Law  of  Holiness, 
Lev  17  to  26,  containing  mainly  ritual  legislation,  and 
characterized  by  enforcing  the  requirements  on  the  ground 
of  Jehovah's  holiness  (19.  2)  ;  (7)  The  Priests  Code,  em- 
bracing all  the  other  legislation  in  Exodus,  Leviticus,  and 
Numbers  not  already  assigned,  being  the  most  extensive, 
and  supplementing  them  all. 

A  comparison  of  these  codes  reveals  the  fact  that  they 
are  bodies  of  laws  that  originated  during  the  various  epochs 
in  Old  Testament  history,  covering  the  nine  centuries  be- 
tween Moses  and  Ezra,  illustrating  the  various  stages  of 
the  development  in  Israel's  political,  social,  and  religious  life. 

7.  Old  Testament  Historical  Literature.  The  making 
of  history  precedes  the  writing  of  history,  and  the  telling 
of  heroic  deeds  by  word  of  mouth  precedes  the  more  formal 
recording    of    historical    events.      It    was    so    among    the 


2.6  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

Hebrews.  A  long  period  of  oral  tradition  preceded  that  of 
written  histor}^  The  stories  of  the  patriarchs,  the  achieve- 
ments of  Moses,  and  the  heroic  deeds  of  the  conquerors 
of  the  promised  land  were  first  told  or  sung  by  word  of 
mouth. 

The  beginnings  of  the  writing  of  Hebrew  history  in 
poetry  may  be  found  in  the  Song  of  Deborah  (Judg  5) 
and  the  songs  in  Num  21,  taken  from  ''the  book  of 
the  Wars  of  Jehovah,"  and  Exod  15.  21. 

In  the  writing  of  history  in  prose  we  may  distinguish 
the  following  stages : 

1.  The  accounts  of  the  events  leading  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Hebrew  monarchy,  contained  in  the  older 
element  of  i  Sam  to  i  Kings  2.  It  is  in  the  reign  of 
David  that  we  first  meet  an  official  recorder. 

2.  The  Jehovistic  historian  (J)  who  composed  a  history 
from  the  creation  to  the  conquest  of  Palestine  about 
850  B.  C. 

3.  The  Elohistic  historian  (E)  who  composed  a  similar 
history  about  a  century  later. 

4.  The  Deuteronomistic  historian  (D)  who  wrote  during 
the  exile  and  viewed  the  history  of  his  people  from  the 
point  of  view  of  the  great  prophets  of  the  eighth  to  the 
sixth  centuries,  finding  its  fullest  expression  in  the  law  of 
the  book  of  Deuteronomy.  This  historian,  like  the  prophets, 
taught  that  Israel's  prosperity  was  due  to  faithfulness  to 
Jehovah  and  its  misfortunes  to  faithlessness.  Using  this 
religious  estimate  as  a  measure,  each  event  or  personality 
is  made  to  teach  a  moral  and  religious  lesson.  The  books 
of  Kings;  the  framework  of  the  book  of  Judges;  Deut  i  to 
11;  27 ;  29f . ;  and  the  history  of  the  conquest  of  Canaan 
in  the  book  of  Joshua  are  written  from  this  point  of  view. 

5.  The  Priestly  historian  (P)  wrote  during  the  fifth 
century  B.  C,  also  a  history  from  creation  to  the  conquest 
of  Palestine,  but  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  priest.  He 
emphasizes  ritual  elements  and  traces  back  to  the  time  of 


SOURCES  OF  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY    2y 

Moses  the  laws  of  Israel  developed  through  a  period  of 
eight  centuries  of  national  life. 

It  was  the  Priestly  historian  who  gave  final  form  to  the 
Pentateuch  or  five  books  of  Moses,  or  to  the  Hexateuch, 
including  also  the  book  of  Joshua.  The  literary  history 
of  this  biblical  material  is  as  follows :  First,  J  and  E  were 
combined;  later  D  was  added;  and,  finally,  P  was  added  to 
complete  the  whole. 

6.  The  Ecclesiastical  historian,  who  lived  about  300  B.  C, 
went  afresh  over  the  ground  covered  by  the  historical  books 
from  Genesis  to  Second  Kings,  and  extended  it  to  nearly 
within  a  century  of  his  own  time.  This  work  is  now  con- 
tained in  the  books  First  and  Second  Chronicles  and  Ezra 
and  Nehemiah,  which  were  originally  all  one  book.  He 
gives  us  an  instructive  glimpse  into  the  method  which  he 
used  in  compihng  his  historical  work,  for  he  mentions  a 
number  of  the  sources  from  which  he  drew  (2  Chron 
16.  II ;  2iZ'  185  35-  27).  He  also  used  the  personal  diaries 
of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  and  Aramaic  documents  which  he 
inserts  without  translating.  This  historian  adds  a  fresh 
point  of  view  of  Old  Testament  history — that  of  the  church- 
man— and  his  work  has  not  inaptly  been  called  the  "Ecclesi- 
astical Chronicle  of  Jerusalem." 

As  additional  historical  matter  we  must  mention  the 
didactic  stories  of  Judith  and  Esther,  Jonah  and  Ruth,  and 
the  book  of  Tobit.  Of  similar  character  are  the  Jewish 
martyr  stories,  such  as  the  stories  of  Daniel  and  the  three 
Jewish  youths  in  Babylon,  found  in  the  book  of  Daniel  and 
in  apocryphal  books  such  as  the  Greek  or  Septuagint 
additions  to  Daniel,  consisting  of  the  Song  of  the  Three 
Holy  Children,  the  Story  of  Susanna,  and  Bel  and  the 
Dragon ;  and  third  and  fourth  Maccabees.  The  purpose  of 
these  stories  was  to  fortify  Jewish  faith  against  the  temp- 
tations to  fall  into  heathenism. 

7.  The  Maccabean  history  is  given  us  in  two  books  of 
rather  unlike  merit.  First  and   Second   Maccabees.     First 


28  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

Maccabees  is  a  historical  work  of  the  first  rank,  but  Second 
Maccabees  was  written  to  teach  rehgious  lessons  rather 
than  history. 

8.  The  Prophetic  Literature  as  Historical  Source. 
Written  prophecy,  beginning  with  Amos  in  the  eighth  cen- 
tury and  continuing  to  the  sixth,  furnishes  one  of  the  most 
valuable  historical  sources  for  Hebrew  history.  It  em- 
braces the  prophetical  books  of  Amos,  Hosea,  Isaiah,  Micah, 
Nahum,  Zephaniah,  Habakkuk,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  Haggai, 
Zechariah,  and  Malachi.  They  are  rich  in  details  of  the 
personal  histories  of  the  prophets  themselves ;  they  reveal 
the  political,  social,  moral,  and  religious  conditions  of  their 
time  in  most  strikingly  realistic  colors ;  and  they  render 
abundant  historical  material  for  all  the  various  phases  of 
national  life. 

The  use  of  the  material  requires  discrimination  on  account 
of  the  fact  that  the  prophetical  books  are  not  chronologically 
arranged.  It  is  often  difficult  to  determine  exactly  the 
historical  background  for  certain  utterances.  They  have 
also  undergone  editorial  revision  by  later  hands,  all  of 
which  demands  that  a  discriminating  method  be  followed 
in  the  use  of  the  material. 

g.  The  Liturgical  Literature.  Liturgy,  v^hich  is  the 
expression  of  public  or  private  devotion,  consisting  of 
prayer  and  religious  song,  is  found  early  in  Hebrew  life; 
but  its  full  development  belongs  late  in  the  period  of  the 
Priests.  Its  chief  product  is  the  collection  of  hymns  in  the 
book  of  Psalms,  sometimes  called  the  hymn  book  of  the 
second  temple.  We  should  include  here  also  the  book  of 
Lamentations,  and  a  collection  of  eighteen  psalms,  known 
as  the  Psalms  of  Solomon.  We  must  also  include  the  col- 
lection of  songs,  suitable  for  wedding  occasions,  contained 
in  the  Song  of  Solomon,  with  which  might  be  compared 
Psalm  45,  celebrating  a  king's  wedding. 

The  subject-matter  of  these  hymns  is  exceedingly 
diverse;  and  as  reflecting  a  great  variety  of  national  and 


SOURCES  OF  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY    29 

personal  sentiments,  aspirations,  and  hopes,  they  are  valu- 
able historical  sources. 

10.  The  Wisdom  Literature.  "Wisdom  Literature"  is 
the  designation  of  those  Hebrew  writings  which  deal  with 
universal  moral  and  religious  principles,  represented  by 
Job,  certain  Psalms,  Proverbs,  Ecclesiasticus  (Ben-Sira), 
Ecclesiastes,  and  the  Wisdom  of  Solomon — it  is  the  expres- 
sion of  Hebrew  philosophic  thought,  which  is  highly  prac- 
tical. Popular  proverbs  and  fables,  expressing  the  result 
of  common-sense  experience  and  observation,  are  met  with 
early  in  Hebrew  history;  and  they  increase  in  depth  with 
the  growth  of  the  national  life.  But  the  systematic  dis- 
cussion of  the  deeper  problems  of  life  is  the  outgrowth 
of  Jewish  contact  with  a  wider  world.  This  literature  was 
the  contribution  of  the  sages  or  philosophers,  who  formed 
a  distinct  class  from  the  prophets,  priests,  or  scribes,  and 
who  gave  themselves  particularly  to  the  study  of  universal 
moral  truth,  reaching  the  heights  of  Hebrew  intellectualism. 
For  this  phase  of  Old  Testament  history  the  Wisdom 
Literature  offers  important  material. 

11.  The  Apocalyptic  Literature.  This  is  the  title  to 
a  unique  form  of  Hebrew  writings,  characterized  by  highly 
fantastic  figures,  cast  in  the  mold  of  prophecy  of  future 
events  foretelling  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom  of  God 
on  earth,  accompanied  by  the  reward  of  the  just  and  the 
punishment  of  the  wicked.  The  beginnings  of  this  type  of 
literature  are  found  in  the  canonical  books,  Ezek  38  to  39; 
Isa  24  to  2y\  Joel;  Zech  12  to  14;  and  Daniel ;  but  it  reaches 
its  full  development  in  the  Book  of  Enoch,  the  Assumption 
of  Moses,  the  Apocalypse  of  Baruch,  the  Testament  of  the 
Twelve  Patriarchs,  the  Book  of  Jubilees,  the  Ascension  of 
Isaiah,  and  the  Sibylline  Oracles.  Apocalyptic  thought 
gave  the  dominant  note  to  the  Judaism  of  the  two  pre- 
Christian  centuries;  and  in  its  atmosphere  Christianity  was 
born. 

12.  The  Extra-Biblical  Sources.    Of  inestimable  value 


30  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

for  the  understanding  of  Old  Testament  history,  and  out- 
weighing all  other  extra-biblical  sources,  are  the  results  of 
excavations  and  research  in  Bible  lands.  Assyria  and 
Babylonia,  Syria  and  Palestine,  Arabia  and  Egypt,  have  all 
yielded  richly  in  monuments  with  inscriptions,  clay  tablets 
and  papyri,  linguistic  aids,  identification  of  sites,  a  variety 
of  relics  illustrative  of  ancient  life,  which  altogether  have 
brought  the  ancient  civilization,  as  it  were,  to  life  again. 
It  is  true  that  much  of  the  material  is,  comparatively  speak- 
ing, too  fresh  and  undigested  to  make  the  conclusions 
based  upon  it  completely  acceptable  to  scholars.  But  the 
material  is  constantly  increasing,  and  one  discovery  aids 
another.  In  many  cases  vagueness  and  uncertainty  have 
given  way  to  certainty ;  and,  in  addition  to  adding  new  life 
and  interest,  biblical  archaeology  has  proven  to  be  a  helpful 
handmaid  to  the  study  of  Old  Testament  history.  Litera- 
ture on  the  subject  will  be  found  in  the  Select  List  ap- 
pended to  this  volume. 

Among  other  extra-biblical  sources  the  works  of  Josephus 
occupy  the  most  prominent  place.  His  Jewish  War  covers 
the  period  from  Antiochus  Epiphanes  to  the  capture  of 
Jerusalem  by  Titus,  including  the  taking  of  Masada,  the 
last  stronghold  of  the  Jewish  insurgents  against  Rome, 
that  is,  from  175  B.  C.  to  73  A.  D.  His  Antiquities  is  a 
more  pretentious  historical  work,  running  parallel  with  the 
biblical  histories,  which  he,  of  course,  uses,  and  extending 
to  the  beginning  of  the  Roman  war.  Josephus  participated 
in  the  struggle  that  led  to  the  final  destruction  of  the  Jewish 
state,  and  should  be  a  reliable  source  of  history  for  that 
period.  But  it  is  evident  that  he  writes  as  a  partisan,  and 
colors  his  story.  But  in  many  instances  he  quotes  other 
sources  no  longer  extant ;  and  while  he  has  to  be  used  with 
great  caution,  his  work  is  too  valuable  to  be  neglected. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 
I.  Consider  the  Old  Testament  in  its  character  of  a  library  con- 


SOURCES  OF  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY    31 

taining  a  variety  of  literary  productions,  and  note  the  place  that 
the  Apocrypha  and  Pseudepigrapha  have  in  it. 

2.  Consider  the  historical  origin  of  these  literary  productions  and 
note  how  they  must  be  used  for  historical  purposes. 

3.  Obtain  a  clear  view  of  the  character  of  each  of  the  five  varieties 
of  literature  and  note  what  books  or  portion  of  books  fall  under 
each  variety. 

4.  Note  the  character  of  the  extra-biblical  sources. 


CHAPTER  II 
THE  LAND  OF  PALESTINE 

13.  The  Old  Testament  World.  The  Old  Testament 
World  may,  roughly  speaking,  be  said  to  be  inclosed  by 
five  bodies  of  water,  namely,  the  Mediterranean,  the  Black 
Sea,  the  Caspian  Sea,  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  the  Red  Sea. 
The  countries  lying  along  these  waters  prominently  asso- 
ciated with  Hebrew  history  are  Arabia,  in  the  center,  most 
probably  the  original  home  of  the  Hebrews  as  of  the 
Semitic  race  in  general;  Babylonia,  Assyria,  .and  Mesopo- 
tamia, lying  north  in  the  valley  of  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris; 
Egypt,  in  the  Nile  valley  to  the  south;  and  the  "Isles  of 
the  Sea,"  by  which  are  meant  the  coastlands  as  well  as  the 
islands  of  the  Mediterranean  as  far  west  as  Tarshish  in 
Spain.  In  the  very  center  of  the  entire  region  lies  Palestine, 
or  Canaan,  the  land  of  the  Hebrews. 

14.  The  Boundaries  of  Palestine.  The  ideal  boun- 
daries of  Canaan  are  ''the  entrance  of  Hamath"  in  the 
north,  the  "River  of  Egypt"  in  the  south,  the  Great  Sea 
in  the  west,  and  the  Desert  in  the  east  (Gen  15.  18;  Num 
34.  1-12).  This  would  make  Canaan  include  Syria  as  far 
north  as  the  valley  of  the  Orontes,  east  to  the  Euphrates, 
and  south  as  far  as  Kadesh.  But  the  northern  and  southern 
extremes  were  commonly  expressed  by  the  phrase  "from 
Dan  even  to  Beersheba"  (Judg  20.  i).  Within  this  defini- 
tion the  land  of  Canaan  was  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
miles  long  and  one  hundred  miles  broad.  It  divides  itself 
naturally  into  four  zones,  the  lines  running  parallel  from 
north  to  south,  and  consisting  of    (i)   the  Coast  Plains; 

32 


'^'•'pyTtghl,  1906,  by  Charles  Fo«t«r  Kent 

MODERN  PALESTINE  WITH  ANCIENT  TOWNS  AND  HIGHWAYS 


THE  LAND  OF  Px\LESTINE  33 

(2)  the   Central   Plateau   and   the   Valley   of   Esdraelon; 

(3)  the  Jordan  and  the  Dead   Sea  Valley;  and    (4)    the 
East-Jordan  Plateaus. 

15.  The  Coast  Plains.  These  plains  run  along  the 
shore  of  the  Mediterranean,  and  vary  in  width  from  five 
miles  in  the  north  to  twenty-five  miles  in  the  south;  the 
narrowest  points  are  at  Carmel,  where  it  is  but  two  hun- 
dred yards  wide,  and  the  so-called  ''Ladder  of  Tyre,"  where 
it  touches  the  sea.  These  plains  are  well  watered  and 
extremely  fertile,  producing  a  great  variety  of  tropical 
fruits  and  cereals.  The  region  has  always  been  sought 
for  its  productivity;  and  in  modern  times  European  Jews 
have  largely  colonized  upon  it. 

We  may  distinguish  three  divisions  of  these  plains: 
I.  The  Phoenician  Plain,  reaching  as  far  south  as  Carmel, 
varying  from  two  to  five  miles  in  width.  It  had  good 
harbors,  well  utilized  by  the  Phoenician  traders  and  colo- 
nizers. Its  chief  cities  were  Berytus  (the  modern  Beirut), 
Sidon,  Zarephath,  Tyre,  Achzib,  and  Accho.  2.  The  Plain 
of  Sharon  extends  from  Carmel  southward  to  Joppa,  and  is 
about  sixty  miles  long.  From  the  Nahr  Zerka,  or  Crocodile 
River,  southward  it  widens  from  six  to  twelve  miles.  Here 
and  there  small  groves  of  oaks  are  still  seen,  the  remains 
of  extended  forests.  It  is  the  land  of  wild  flowers,  sug- 
gested by  the  "Rose  of  Sharon"  and  the  Hly  of  the  valley. 
In  biblical  references  it  is  celebrated  for  its  fertility  and 
beauty,  and  even  now  possesses  rich  olive  and  orange 
groves.  The  Aujeh,  which  passes  through  it,  is,  next  to 
the  Jordan,  the  largest  river  of  Palestine.  Its  main  towns 
in  Old  Testament  times  were  Japho  (the  modern  Joppa) 
and  Dor,  and  in  New  Testament  times,  Csesarea.  3.  The 
Philistine  Plain  extends  about  fifty  miles  southward  of 
Joppa,  and  is  the  widest  and  most  fertile  of  the  plains. 
Its  ancient  Philistine  cities  were  Ekron,  Oath,  Ashdod, 
Askelon,  and  Gaza;  but  within  this  plain  lay  also  the 
ancient  Canaanitc   towns   of   Libnah   and   Lachish.     The 


34  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

latter  has  yielded  rich  finds  illustrating  the  old  Canaanite 
civilization. 

Between  the  Philistine  plain  and  the  mountains  of  Judah 
lies  a  series  of  low  foothills,  separated  from  the  mountains 
by  continuous  breaks  from  five  hundred  to  a  thousand  feet 
in  depth;  this  is  the  biblical  Shephelah,  or  Lowland.  It 
was  the  border  land  between  Judah  and  the  Philistines, 
and  the  witness  of  many  a  fight  between  the  two  rivals. 
The  wadies,  or  valleys,  forming  the  approach  to  the  Judsean 
mountains  are  the  Valley  of  Ajalon,  with  its  Canaanite 
stronghold  of  Gezer;  the  Valley  of  Sorck,  the  Valley  of 
Elah,  and  the  Valley  of  Zephathah. 

i6.  The  Central  Plateau  and  the  Valley  of  Esdraelon. 
Both  the  plateaus  of  western  and  eastern  Palestine  are  the 
continuation  of  the  Lebanon  mountain  range  of  Syria. 
The  western,  or  central,  plateau  divides  naturally  into  the 
mountains  of  Galilee,  broken  by  the  valley  of  Esdraelon; 
the  mountains  of  Ephraim  or  Samaria,  the  mountains  of 
Judah,  and  the  Negeh,  or  South-Country.  Ideally,  as  indi- 
cated above,  the  northern  border  of  Israel  extended  to  the 
"entrance  of  Hamath,"  on  the  Orontes;  and  then  the  two 
Lebanon  ranges,  Lebanon  and  Anti-Lebanon,  would  fall 
within  Israel's  territory.  The  southern  continuation  of 
the  Anti-Lebanon  range  reaches  nigh  unto  Dan  in  the  snow- 
capped Hermon.  The  mountains  of  Galilee  fall  into  two 
divisions — upper  and  lower  Galilee.  The  hills  of  Upper 
Galilee  rise  to  a  height  of  between  two  and  four  thousand 
feet  and  form  an  upper  terrace  of  rolling  elevated  plateaus. 
Lower  Galilee  constitutes  a  southern,  lower  terrace,  only 
nineteen  hundred  feet  high,  gradually  sloping  down  to  the 
valley  of  Esdraelon.  Both  sections  are  richly  watered 
from  the  Lebanons,  and  exceedingly  fertile. 

The  Plain  of  Esdraelon  forms  the  third  and  last  of  the 
great  terraces  by  which  the  Lebanons  descend  southward. 
It  forms  an  equiangular  triangle.  Its  base  runs  along 
Mount  Carmel  to  Jenin   for  about  twenty  miles.     Along 


THE  LAND  OF  PALESTINE  35 

its  northern  side,  fifteen  miles  in  length,  are  the  hills  of 
Nazareth  and  Mount  Tabor.  Its  eastern  side,  also  fifteen 
miles  long,  extends  from  Mount  Tabor  to  Jenin.  Little 
Hermon,  or  Moreh,  and  Mount  Gilboa  jut  into  the  plain. 
The  Plain  of  Jezreel  branches  from  Esdraelon  eastward 
for  fifteen  miles  to  the  Jordan,  to  ancient  Bethshean.  The 
plain  of  Esdraelon  is  watered  by  the  hills  which  surround 
it  and  the  river  Kishon.  In  parts  it  is  marshy,  but  it  is 
an  excellent  grain  field,  although  at  present  much  neglected. 
Through  it  once  led  the  great  highway  of  the  nations, 
and  it  was  their  great  battlefield ;  and  within  it  were 
situated  the  ancient  Canaanite  towns  of  Taanach  and 
Megiddo,  recently  excavated  with  splendid  results,  and  the 
Israelite  city  of  Jezreel. 

From  the  valley  of  Esdraelon  to  Beersheba,  the  central 
range  is  one  mass  of  mountains,  ninety  miles  long,  inter- 
rupted only  by  narrow  valleys.  The  northern  part  is  Mount 
Ephrahn,  or  the  Mountains  of  Samaria,  and  the  southern 
part,  the  Mountains  of  Judah;  and  the  small  strip  between 
them  is  Benjamin.  The  two  mountain  regions  differ  con- 
siderably in  verdure  and  fertility,  becoming  more  barren 
and  arid  as  they  proceed  southward;  and  this  character  is 
the  only  geographical  means  of  distinction.  The  mountains 
of  Samaria  are  like  Lower  Galilee — well  watered  and  fer- 
tile. Here  Mount  Ebal  rises  three  thousand  and  seventy- 
seven  feet,  and  Mount  Gerizim  almost  as  much,  with  the 
valley  of  Shechem  between  them ;  Baal  Hazor  rises  thirty- 
three  hundred  and  eighteen  feet ;  while  running  in  a  north- 
westerly direction  to  the  sea  is  Mount  Carmel,  eighteen 
miles  long  and  reaching  to  a  height  of  eighteen  hundred 
feet.  Along  the  eastern  end  of  Carmel  runs  the  Plain  of 
Dothan,  leading  from  the  maritime  plains  to  the  valley 
of  Esdraelon.  This  was  the  country  of  the  house  of  Joseph, 
Ephraim,  and  Manasseh;  and  its  cities  of  renown  were 
Shechem,  Dothan,  Shilo,  and  Samaria. 

The  plateau  of  Benjamin  belongs  physically  to  Judah,  and 


2,6  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

it  is  like  it  in  lack  of  fertility.  Within  its  territory  lay 
Mizpeh,  Bethel,  Ramah,  Gibeah,  and  Gibeon;  and  it  pos- 
sessed the  two  passes,  the  Upper  and  Lower  Beth-horon, 
commanding  the  ancient  highway  from  the  maritime  plain. 

The  Mountains  of  Jiidah  are,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
narrow  valleys  and  a  fertile  plateau  south  of  Hebron, 
almost  barren.  The  eastern  slopes  of  its  mountains,  reach- 
ing to  the  Dead  Sea,  are  truly  called  the  Wilderness  of 
Judah;  the  western  slopes  descend  less  abruptly  to  the  foot- 
hills and  the  maritime  plain. 

South  of  Hebron,  extending  to  Beersheba,  and  even 
Kadesh-Barnea,  is  what  is  called  the  Negeh,  or  South- 
Country.  It  is  now  a  wild  and  desolate  country,  seventy 
miles  long  and  fifty  wide,  but  it  was  the  scene  of  the 
patriarchal  stories.  Large  sections  of  the  region  are  cap- 
able of  cultivation,  but  it  is  now  the  haunt  of  Bedouins. 

17.  The  Valley  of  the  Jordan  and  the  Dead  Sea.  It 
has  been  asserted  that  there  is  nothing  on  this  planet  to 
match  the  Jordan  valley;  no  other  part  of  our  earth,  un- 
covered by  water,  sinks  three  hundred  feet  below  the  level 
of  the  ocean.  Some  volcanic  disturbance  succeeded  in 
creating  a  rift  or  ditch  one  hundred  and  sixty  miles  long 
and  from  two  to  fifteen  miles  broad,  which  falls  from  the 
sea  level  to  twelve  hundred  and  ninety-two  feet  below  it, 
the  bottom  of  the  Dead  Sea  being  thirteen  hundred  feet 
deeper  still. 

The  Jordan  rises  in  Mount  Hermon,  and  there  are  four 
streams,  uniting  before  they  enter  Lake  Huleh,  which  con- 
test the  honor  of  being  considered  the  source  of  the  Jordan. 
Lake  Huleh  is  really  only  a  marsh ;  and  from  its  lower  end 
the  Jordan  enters  the  great  rift,  and  descends  a  narrow  gorge 
in  one  almost  continuous  cascade,  falling  six  hundred  and 
fifty  feet  in  less  than  nine  miles.  Here  it  enters  the  Sea  of 
Galilee,  which  is  harp-shaped  and  twelve  or  thirteen  miles 
long  and  eight  miles  broad,  flanked  east  and  west  by  high 
hills.     The  distance  from  the  Sea  of  Galilee  to  the  Dead 


TFIE  LAND  OF  PALESTINE  37 

Sea  is  sixty-five  miles,  but  the  many  windings  make  the 
river  twice  the  length.  It  is  from  ninety  to  one  hundred 
feet  broad,  and  the  depth  varies  from  three  feet  at  some 
fords  to  as  much  as  ten  or  twelve  feet.  The  Arabs  call 
the  valley  of  the  Jordan  below  the  Sea  of  Galilee  the  Ghor, 
meaning  **Rift";  and  its  climate  and  products  are  those 
of  the  tropics.  The  two  principal  tributaries  of  the  Jordan 
are  the  Yarmuk  and  Jabbok,  both  coming  from  the  east. 

The  plain  widens  near  Jericho,  and  in  ancient  times  was 
famous  for  its  fertility  and  tropical  luxuriance;  but  as  it 
approaches  the  Dead  Sea,  the  desert  begins.  The  story  of 
Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  with  its  brimstone,  fire,  and  pillar 
of  salt,  is  a  fit  introduction  to  the  description  of  the  deso- 
lateness  of  the  Dead  Sea  and  its  valley.  The  sea  is  fifty- 
three  miles  long  and  from  nine  to  ten  broad;  it  is  twelve 
hundred  and  ninety  feet  below  the  level  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean, and  has  no  outlet,  except  evaporation.  Its  waters 
are  beautifully  blue  and  clear;  but  five  times  salter  than 
ordinary  sea  water.  On  its  banks  is  no  vegetation,  and  the 
flanking  hills  on  both  sides  are  bare.  All  around  it  are 
sulphur  and  petroleum  springs  and  evidences  of  volcanic 
eruptions;  yet  the  region  is  not  without  its  grandeur  and 
beauty. 

18.  The  East- Jordan  Plateaus.  The  elevated  plateau 
of  the  eastern  side  of  the  Jordan  is  the  southern  continua- 
tion of  the  Anti-Lebanon  range,  and  rises  to  a  height  of 
from  two  to  three  thousand  feet.  It  is  well  watered  and 
surpasses  western  Palestine  in  verdure  and  fertility.  In 
biblical  terms  the  territory  is  divided  into  three  main  sec- 
tions, proceeding  from  Mount  Hermon  southward,  namely, 
Bashan,  Gilead,  and  Moab.  Bashan  is  the  section  covered 
by  the  Jaulan  (or  Golan)  and  Hauran  districts,  as  far 
south  as  the  Yarmuk  river.  The  southeastern  part  of 
the  Julan  and  Hauran  produce  abundantly  wheat  and  barley 
in  the  rich,  dark-red  soil;  the  other  parts  are  marked  by 
their  extinguished  volcanoes  and  lava  beds.     Gilead  lies 


38  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

between  the  Yarmuk  River  and  the  wady  Heshban;  it  is 
sixty  miles  wide,  and  of  great  fertility,  due  to  the  Jabbok. 
This  country  played  an  important  part  in  Old  Testament 
history;  and  Jabesh-Gilead,  Rammoth-Gilead,  and  Rabbath- 
Ammon,  are  the  familiar  names  of  its  chief  cities.  The 
Land  of  Moab  occupied  another  sixty  miles  of  eastern 
Palestine  southward;  and  while  it  has  grain  fields,  it  is 
chiefly  pasture  land.  The  Arnon  is  its  chief  river ;  and  it 
can  boast  of  Mount  Pisgah  or  Mount  Nebo,  four  thousand 
feet  above  the  level  of  the  Dead  Sea,  furnishing  a  splendid 
point  to  view  the  landscape  over. 

19.  The  Highways  of  Palestine.  Vital  to  national  and 
international  life  are  the  highways  which  in  ancient  times 
took  the  place  of  our  railroads.  It  appears  that  Palestine 
had  a  number  of  well-defined  highways,  which  after  a  use 
of  thousands  of  years  still  follow  the  same  course.  Fore- 
most in  importance  were  the  roads  that  led  from  Babylonia 
and  Assyria  through  Syria  and  Palestine  to  Egypt.  There 
were  two  such  roads :  one  led  from  Egypt  along  the  mari- 
time plains  northward  into  Syria  and  through  "the  entrance 
of  Hamath"  into  the  Orontes  valley  to  the  Euphrates.  This 
appears  to  have  been  the  way  of  military  expeditions,  used 
not  only  by  Babylonians,  Assyrians,  and  Egyptians,  but 
by  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  and  even  by  Napoleon.  There 
can  still  be  recognized  inscriptions  at  Nahr  El-Kelb,  ten 
miles  north  of  Beirut,  which  each  invader  carved  into  the 
native  rock,  and  which  are,  unfortunately,  as  has  been 
noticed,  becoming  more  and  more  illegible.  The  other 
route  led  from  Egypt  eastward  to  Elath  on  the  Gulf  of 
Akabah,  and  thence  northward  through  Petra,  Edom, 
Moab,  and  Gilead,  to  Damascus;  and  thence  eastward.  It 
is  in  part  the  great  pilgrim  road  along  the  edge  of  the 
desert  from  Mecca  to  Damascus,  now  traversed  by  the 
Turkish  railroad,  soon  to  be  completed  to  Aleppo  and 
Baghdad. 

A  road  led  from  Phoenicia  across  the  Lebanon  to  Damas- 


THE  LAND  OF  PALESTINE  39 

cus,  Palmyra,  and  the  Euphrates;  another  from  Philistia 
eastward  to  Petra  and  Duma  to  the  Persian  Gulf. 

Within  Palestine  itself  there  were  roads  from  Jerusalem 
to  Hebron,  Beersheba  to  Elath;  or  from  Hebron  to  Gaza. 
A  road  to  eastern  Palestine  led  from  Jerusalem  to  Jericho, 
and  either  crossing  the  Jordan  at  Jericho  or  following  the 
Arabah,  or  Jordan  valley,  to  Bethshean,  and  thence  across 
the  Jordan.  From  Jerusalem  northward  led  a  road  by  the 
way  of  the  mountains  of  Benjamin  and  Ephraim;  there  was 
a  road  from  Accho  across  the  plain  of  Esdraelon,  and  down 
the  valley  of  Jezreel;  from  Jerusalem  to  the  maritime 
plains  by  the  way  of  the  pass  of  the  Bethhorons.  Alto- 
gether these  roads  formed  a  network,  connecting  the  country 
as  a  whole  and  making  it  the  highway  of  the  nations. 

20.  The  General  Character  of  Palestine.  It  may  be 
summarized  in  three  terms — ruggedness,  diversity,  and  cen- 
tral location.  As  one  passes  through  the  land,  not  by  train 
or  carriage,  but  on  the  back  of  a  beast  of  burden,  one  be- 
comes impressed  with  the  fact  that  Palestine  is  essentially 
a  hilly  or  mountainous  country.  While  here  and  there  is  a 
stretch  of  level  land,  it  is,  on  the  whole,  rugged;  not  the 
country  that  would  develop  a  people  loving  ease,  but  requir- 
ing the  qualities  of  energy  and  effort.  Again,  it  is  a  land 
which  contains  within  a  narrow  compass  a  most  remarkable 
diversity  of  physical  characteristics.  Within  a  stretch  of 
country  no  longer  than  from  New  York  city  to  Albany  you 
can  find  snow-capped  mountains  in  the  summertime  and  the 
tropics;  rich  meadows  of  wild  flowers  and  the  most  desolate 
deserts;  the  ocean,  springs,  rivers,  lakes,  and  extinct  vol- 
canoes, lava  beds,  and  hot  sulphur  springs.  And  there  it 
lay,  the  highway  between  the  two  most  civilized  countries 
of  the  ancient  world.  It  would  seem  impossible  to  find  any 
other  country  in  the  world  better  fitted  to  produce  and  train 
a  people  with  a  message  to  universal  mankind ;  and  it  is 
no  wonder  that  faith  has  recognized  it  as  the  promised  land 
to  a  chosen  nation  of  God. 


40  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

21.  Israel's  Neighbors.  On  the  east  side  of  the  Jordan 
there  were  three  peoples  with  whom  the  Israehtes  felt 
themselves  akin:  Edom,  in  the  extremest  south;  Moab, 
whose  northern  boundary  was,  generally  speaking,  the  river 
Arnon ;  and  Ammon,  whose  territory  lay  between  the  Arnon 
and  the  Jabbok.  On  the  north  their  neighbors  were  the 
Arameans,  with  whom  they  also  felt  themselves  related; 
and  to  whom,  in  fact,  they  traced  their  own  origin.  On 
the  coast  plains  their  neighbors  were,  on  the  north,  the 
Phoenicians,  who  were  Semites,  and  with  whom  they  stood 
in  friendly  relations;  on  the  south,  the  Philistines,  whom 
they  regarded  as  alien  and  ''uncircumcised,"  and  with  whom 
they  often  came  into  conflict. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Draw  your  own  map  of  the  Biblical  World,  embodying  in  it 
the  international  position  of  Palestine  and  the  highways  of  inter- 
national travel. 

2.  Draw  your  own  map  of  Palestine,  incorporating  its  main 
physical  features,  the  principal  cities,  and  the  neighbors  of  the 
Hebrews. 

3.  Read  Deut  8.  7-9  and  11.  9-12  for  the  geographical  contents. 


PART  I 

THE  FORMATIVE  PERIOD 

FROM  THE  BEGINNINGS  TO  THE 
DEATH  OF  SOLOMON,  933  B.C. 


CHAPTER  III 
THE   FORMATION   OF  THE   HEBREW   TRIBES 

I.    The  Origin  of  the  Hebrew  Race 

22.  The  General  Contents  of  Gen  i  to  ii.  The  bibHcal 
historian  writes  the  history  of  his  people  from  a  rehgious 
point  of  view,  recognizing  throughout  the  hand  of  God; 
and  it  is  natural  that  he  should  trace  the  origin  of  his 
race  back  to  the  creative  act  of  God,  and  make  it  part  of 
universal  history.  He  is  thus  led  to  tell  of  the  creation  of 
the  world  and  man ;  of  the  origin  of  sin  and  the  develop- 
ment of  man's  moral  consciousness;  of  his  primitive  occu- 
pations and  the  beginnings  of  the  arts  of  civilization;  of  a 
destructive  flood  and  the  new  start  of  the  human  race;  of 
the  formation  of  families,  tribes,  and  races ;  of  the  founding 
of  cities,  states,  and  nations,  and  of  the  rise  of  different 
languages.  But  all  this  he  tells  with  particular  reference 
to  the  origin  of  the  Hebrew  race,  toward  which  he  moves 
by  gradually  eliminating  the  more  distantly  related  elements. 
The  material  for  his  account  the  author  has  drawn  from 
various  sources ;  but  he  has  molded  it  with  skill  so  as  to 
focus  it  on  his  main  subject  and  to  bring  out  the  rehgious, 
moral  and  social  meaning. 

23.  The  Two  Accounts  of  the  Creation.    The  account  Gen  i  to  3 
of  creation  is  given  in  parallel  forms:  an  earlier,  prophetic 

(2.  4b  to  3.  24),  and  a  later,  priestly  (i.  i  to  2.  4a),  each 
having  its  own  style,  order  of  events,  and  religious  concep- 
tions. The  earlier  account  is  characterized  by  its  sim- 
plicity :  God,  whom  this  writer  calls  ''Jehovah,"  is  conceived 
as   acting   like   man;   he   "forms"   man,    woman,   and   the 

43 


44  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

animals  by  the  manipulation  of  his  hands,  as  a  potter  might 
form  a  vessel  out  of  clay;  he  takes  a  walk  in  the  garden 
in  the  cool  of  the  day;  seeks  man  by  calling  after  him, 
"Where  art  thou  ?" ;  and  makes  garments  and  puts  them  on 
our  first  parents.  The  writer  shows  his  special  interest  in 
social  and  moral  problems  by  indicating  that  man  was 
designed  for  work,  and  must  eat  his  bread  in  the  sweat  of 
his  brow;  that  it  is  not  good  for  man  to  be  alone,  but  that 
he  needs  the  divine  institution  of  marriage;  and  that  it  is 
woman's  lot  to  bear  children.  He  depicts  man's  moral  and 
spiritual  nature  by  showing  how  sin  brings  hardships  and 
sorrow,  and  interrupts  man's  familiar  intercourse  with  God. 
The  later  account  is  more  formal  in  style,  but  more  elevated 
in  thought.  God,  whom  this  writer  calls  Elohim — "God" — 
is  over  and  above  the  world ;  and  he  speaks  it  into  existence 
by  the  word  of  his  mouth.  This  priestly  writer  views 
creation  in  the  light  of  religious  institutions.  The  lumin- 
aries have  as  a  chief  function  to  aid  in  the  fixing  of  the 
festive  seasons  of  the  sacred  calendar;  and  the  observance 
of  the  Sabbath  is  enforced  by  God's  own  rest  on  the 
seventh  day. 

The  value  of  these  accounts  does  not  lie  in  any  scientific 
teaching  concerning  the  order  of  the  creation  of  the  universe 
or  the  appearing  of  life  upon  the  globe.  The  writers' 
ideas  of  nature  simply  reflect  the  views  of  the  time.  Their 
chief  interest  is  in  certain  great  religious  truths,  and  though 
they  differ  in  the  details,  in  these  great  truths  they  agree. 
Back  of  the  universe  stands  God  as  its  personal  creator. 
Man  is  a  creature  made  in  the  image  of  God.  The  purpose 
of  the  creation  is  to  be  found  in  man's  lordship  over  the 
world.  Sin  is  not  from  God  but  is  due  to  man's  own 
responsible  choice. 
Gen  4. 1  to  6. 4  In  the  stories  of  Cain  and  the  descendants  to  Noah  we 
get  glimpses  of  the  roaming  restlessness  of  nomadic  life, 
of  its  attending  insecurity,  tribal  marks,  quarrels,  and  cry 
for  revenge.     The  prehistoric  ancestors  are  conceived  as 


FORMATION  OF  THE  HEBREW  TRIBES     45 

marvels  in  length  of  life  and  size  of  stature,  which  is  ac- 
counted for  on  the  mythological  ground  that  they  were  the 
offspring  of  inter-marriages  of  divine  beings  with  human 
kind,  "sons  of  God"  and  "daughters  of  men."  This  pre- 
historic condition  becomes  degenerate  enough  to  demand 
the  total  destruction  of  mankind  and  a  new  start,  which  is 
brought  about  by  the  Flood  and  the  rescue  of  Noah;  after 
which  history  proceeds  on  more  normal  lines. 

24.  The  Two  Accounts  of  the  Flood.  The  story  of  the  Gen  6.  5  to  9  39 
Flood  is  also  given  in  two  versions,  but  they  are  inter- 
woven in  one.  According  to  the  earlier  account,  contained 
in  Gen  6.  5-8;  7.  1-5,  7-10,  12,  i6b,  17b,  22,  2;^;  8.  ib,  2b, 
3a,  4,  6-12,  13b,  20-22,  the  Flood  is  caused  by  a  forty  days' 
rain ;  and  two  or  three  weeks  after  the  rain  had  ceased  the 
olive  trees  are  already  above  the  waters.  According  to  the 
later  and  fuller  account,  contained  in  Gen  6.  9-22;  7.  6,  11, 
i3-i6a,  17a,  18-21,  24;  8.  la,  2a,  3b,  5,  13a,  14-19;  9.  1-17, 
the  Flood  lasts  over  a  year,  the  waters  come  from  sub- 
terranean as  well  as  celestial  sources,  and  cover  even  high 
mountains.  In  the  prophetic  account  we  meet  again  the 
simple  or  anthropomorphic  idea  of  God :  Jehovah  repents 
and  is  sorry  over  what  he  has  done;  he  puts  the  cover  on 
the  ark,  and  shuts  Noah  in;  he  smells  the  roasting  of  the 
sacrificial  meat,  and  is  appeased  by  it.  The  priestly  writer 
also  again  reveals  his  interest  in  religious  institutions : 
God's  "covenant"  with  Noah,  the  ritual  prohibition  of  the 
use  of  blood,  and  the  legal  status  of  murder.  But  both 
accounts  assign  sin  as  the  cause  of  the  Flood;  both  imply 
the  total  extinction  of  all  life  and  declare  that  Noah  only 
and  those  with  him  were  saved  through  his  righteousness. 

Creation  and  Flood  stories  were  current  among  many 
nations  of  antiquity;  those  of  nearest  resemblance  to  the 
Hebrew  are  the  Babylonian.  In  view  of  the  older  civiliza- 
tion of  Babylonia,  the  latter  must  be  considered  as  the 
source  of  the  former.  But  both  in  literary  form,  even 
though  the   Babylonian   epics  are  genuine  poetry,   and   in 


46  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

elevation  of  thought  the  Hebrew  surpass  the  Babylonian. 
The  Hebrew  authors  know  how  to  purge  their  sources  of 
the  crass  mythological  and  polytheistic  elements  and  to 
present  them  in  pure  monotheistic  form,  surcharged  with 
highest  moral  and  religious  truths.  That  the  Flood  story 
rests  upon  some  historical  foundation  is  probable.  It  is 
probably  based  upon  the  reminiscence  of  some  memorable 
and  devastating  inundation  of  the  Euphrates  valley.  To 
the  biblical  writer  it  has  furnished  serviceable  material  with 
which  to  close  up  the  prehistoric  period  of  human  history 
so  as  to  allow  him  a  nearer  starting  point  in  tracing  the 
origins  of  the  races  of  the  biblical  world  and  of  the  Hebrew 
race  in  particular. 
Gen  10  and  II  25.   The  Tables  of  the  Nations.     Chapters  lo  and  ii 

furnish  some  genealogical  matter  which  connects  Noah  with 
Abraham.     In  their  present  form  the  chapters  are  a  com- 
bination of  lists  whose  object  it  was  to  classify  the  known 
people  of  the  world,  and  to  show  their  relation  to  each  other 
and  to  the  Hebrews.     The  classification  is  on  the  basis  of 
the  three  sons  of  Noah — Shem,  Ham,  and  Japhet.     The 
Japhites  are  the  northern  peoples,  located  in  Asia  Minor, 
Armenia,  and  along  the   shores   of   the   Caspian  and  the 
Atlantic,  representing  the  Indo-Germanic  group.     Among 
them  are  Gomer,  the  Cimmerians  of  the  Greeks;  Madai, 
the    Medes;   Javan,    the    Greeks;    Elishah,    most   probably 
Cyprus;  and  Tarshish,  Tartessus,  the  Phoenician  colony  of 
Spain.    The  Hamites  represent  the  southern  group,  located 
in  Africa   and  southern  Arabia,  including  the   Canaanites 
of  Palestine  as  well  as  Gush  or  Ethiopia  and  Mizraim  or 
Egypt.     The  Shemites,  or  Semites,  are  the  eastern  group, 
all   lying   east   of    Palestine;   and   including   among   them 
Assyria,  Babylonia,  and  Mesopotamia,  out  of  which  came 
Abraham,  the  ancestor  of  the   Hebrews.     We  have  here 
no  scientific  classification  of  the  human  race,  nor  in  the 
story  of  the  tower  of  Babel  a  scientific  account  of  the  origin 
of  the  different  languages.    The  classification  is  not  on  the 


FORMATION  OF  THE  HEBREW  TRIBES     47 

basis  of  race,  color,  or  language,  but  of  geographical  loca- 
tion. This,  together  with  the  fact  that  the  names  are  those 
of  countries,  like  Egypt  or  Babylonia,  makes  it  clear  that 
the  personal  element  of  the  relationship  is  not  to  be  taken 
literally ;  that  is,  we  are  not  to  suppose  that  all  the  Egyptians, 
for  instance,  are  the  literal  descendants  of  one  ancestor  by 
the  name  of  Egypt,  any  more  than  one  can  assume  that  all 
Americans  are  the  literal  offspring  of  one  man  by  the 
name  of  Amerigo.  Peoples  and  nations  do  not  originate 
in  so  simple  a  manner;  and  there  is  no  reason  for  sup- 
posing that  the  biblical  writer  thought  differently,  or  that 
the  personal  element  in  his  genealogies  was  not  simply  to 
make  the  relation  more  objective.  The  horizon  of  the  list 
is  limited,  and  yet  it  is  one  of  the  oldest  geographical  and 
historical  enumerations.  But  its  chief  value  for  biblical 
history  lies  in  the  expression  it  gives  of  the  Hebrew  con- 
sciousness of  the  unity  of  the  race  and  of  its  relative  posi- 
tion among  the  races  of  antiquity.  Abraham,  the  father  of 
the  Hebrews,  is  but  the  offshoot  of  a  branch  of  the  tree  of 
the  races.  When  he  appeared  the  human  race  was  well 
advanced  in  age.  Back  of  him  stretches  a  vast  historical 
past,  and  back  of  it  in  turn  a  vast  prehistoric  past.  But 
the  connecting  link,  the  author  would  make  us  realize,  was 
God;  for  the  God  of  Abraham  was  the  God  of  Noah  and 
the  God  of  Adam. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Secure  a  copy  of  the  Revised  Version  of  the  Bible,  preferably 
the  American  Standard  Edition,  with  wide  margin.  Let  this  be 
your  study  Bible  which  you  will  feel  free  to  mark  in  various  ways 
to  bring  out  the  points  in  the  lessons. 

2.  Read  Gen  i  to  11  and  note  the  progress  from  Adam  to 
Abraham. 

3.  Read  the  two  accounts  of  creation  and  mark  in  your  Bible  the 
differences  in  language  and  point  of  view,  underscoring  the  words. 

4.  Mark  in  the  margin  of  your  Bible  the  earlier  account  of  the 
Flood  by  a  J  and  the  later  by  a  P,  and  read  each  account  sepa- 
rately. 


48  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

5.  Summarize  the  main  religious  lessons  suggested  in  these  eleven 
chapters. 

2.   The  Patriarchal  Tribal  Migrations 

26.  General  Contents  of  Gen  12  to  50.  The  biblical 
material  divides  itself  into  (i)  the  history  of  Abraham, 
Gen  12.  I  to  25.  18;  (2)  the  history  of  Jacob,  25.  19  to 
36.  43;  and  (3)  the  story  of  Joseph  and  his  brethren,  37  to 
50;  and  it  covers  the  period  from  Abraham's  migration  into 
Canaan  to  the  settlement  of  Joseph's  brethren  in  Egypt. 
Besides  the  priestly  writer  (P)  and  the  prophetic  (J),  we 
meet  now  with  a  somewhat  later  prophetic  writer  (E), 
who  uses  the  word  "Elohim"  for  *'God,"  and  holds  an 
intermediate  conception  of  God  between  the  anthropo- 
morphic of  the  Jehovistic  and  the  transcendental  of  the 
priestly  writer,  making  angels  and  dreams  the  intermedi- 
aries in  communications  between  God  and  man. 
Gen  12. 1  to  27.  The  History  of  Abraham.  The  history  of  Abraham 

in  its  main  elements  contains  Abraham  and  Lot's  migration 
from  Haran  to  Canaan,  the  sojourn  and  building  of  altars 
at  Shechem  and  Bethel,  the  migration  to  Egypt  and  the  cap- 
ture of  Sarah,  the  separation  of  Lot  to  the  cities  of  the 
Plain;  Abraham's  removal  to  Hebron,  the  promise  of  an 
heir  and  the  covenant,  the  expulsion  of  Hagar,  mother  of 
Ishmael;  the  promise  of  Isaac,  the  destruction  of  Sodom 
and  Gomorrah  and  the  rescue  of  Lot,  the  origin  of  Moab- 
ites  and  Ammonites,  the  birth  of  Isaac,  Abraham  at  Beer- 
sheba,    Eliezer's    mission    to    Haran    for    Rebekah,    and 
Abraham's  marriage  of  Keturah,  with  the  names  of  sixteen 
Arabian   tribal   descendants.      The   main   source   of   infor- 
mation  is   the   Jehovistic   document.      The    Elohistic   con- 
tains parallel  accounts  of  the  capture  of  Sarah,  the  expul- 
sion of  Hagar,  and  Abraham's  covenant  with  Abimelech  at 
Beersheba,   while   the   offering  of   Isaac   is    found   in   this 
source  alone.     The  Priestly  writer  has  contributed  mainly 
the  chronological  framework.    According  to  this,  Abraham 


25.  18 


FORMATION  OF  THE  HEBREW  TRIBES     49 

is  seventy-five  years  old  when  he  leaves  Haran ;  ten  years 
later  he  marries  Hagar,  and  Ishmael  is  born  when  Abraham 
is  eighty-six  years  old;  at  the  age  of  ninety-nine  he  gets 
the  promise  of  Isaac,  which  is  the  occasion  of  the  institu- 
tion of  circumcision.  Isaac  is  born  when  Abraham  is  one 
hundred  years  old;  Sarah  dies  at  the  age  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty-eight  and  is  buried  in  the  cave  of  Machpelah  at 
Hebron,  acquired  by  the  right  of  purchase  as  the  patriarchal 
burial  place,  where  Abraham  also  is  buried  at  the  age  of 
one  hundred  and  seventy-five.  The  combination  of  the 
chronological  framework  with  the  earlier  stories,  which  had 
evidently  separate  origins,  creates  rather  strange  situations. 
When,  according  to  J,  Abraham's  life  is  in  danger  among 
the  Egyptians  on  account  of  the  beauty  of  Sarah,  or  when, 
according  to  E,  he  is  in  the  same  danger  among  the  Philis- 
tines, she  is  over  sixty-five  or  over  ninety-six  years  of  age 
respectively.  Abraham  laughs  at  the  idea  of  having  children 
at  the  age  of  ninety-nine;  but  forty  years  later  he  marries 
again  and  has  six  sons  by  Keturah.  The  history  of  Isaac 
does  not  have  a  separate  existence,  but  is  found  combined 
partly  with  that  of  Abraham,  his  father,  and  partly  with 
that  of  Jacob,  his  son. 

28.  The  History  of  Jacob-Israel.  The  history  of  Jacob-  ^^^  ^s.  19  to 
Israel  is  found  in  both  of  the  prophetic  sources  in  sub- 
stantially the  same  form,  with  characteristic  variations,  and 
contains  the  birth  of  the  twin  brothers  Esau  and  Jacob, 
Jacob's  purchase  of  Esau's  birthright,  Isaac's  blessing, 
Jacob's  departure  to  Haran,  the  theophany  at  Bethel,  the 
marriage  at  Haran  with  Leah,  Rachel,  Bilhah,  and  Zilpah ; 
and  the  birth  of  their  children;  Jacob's  prosperity,  flight 
from  Laban,  covenant  with  Laban;  the  meeting  with  Esau 
and  the  wrestling  of  Jacob,  peculiar  to  J;  the  rape  of  Dinah 
at  Shechem,  Jacob's  return  to  Bethel ;  and  Judah  and  Tamar 
(J).  The  contribution  of  the  Priestly  writer  is  rather 
meager.  Aside  from  some  chronological  notes,  he  empha- 
sizes as   right  Jacob's  marriage  with  the   Arameans,   and 


36.  43 


50  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

as  wrong  Esau's  marriage  with  the  Canaanites  (28.  1-9)  ;  he 
furnishes  a  summary  of  the  names  of  the  twelve  sons  of 
Jacob  by  mothers:  Leah — Reuben,  Simeon,  Levi,  Judah, 
Issachar,  Zebulon;  Rachel — Joseph,  Benjamin;  Bilhah — 
Dan,  NaphtaH;  Zilpah — Gad,  Asher,  omitting  Dinah  and 
counting  Benjamin  as  born  in  Mesopotamia  (35.  22-26; 
compare  verses  16-18). 
Gen  37  to  50  29.    The    Story   of   Joseph   and    His    Brethren.      The 

story  of  Joseph  and  his  brethren  is  similarly  derived  chiefly 
from  the  two  prophetic  documents,  and  found  in  its  main 
features  in  parallel  accounts  with  varying  details,  while 
each  also  contains  elements  of  its  own.  Joseph  sold  into 
Egypt,  JE ;  Joseph  tempted,  J ;  Joseph  as  the  interpreter  of 
dreams,  E;  Joseph  as  governor  of  Egypt,  JE;  Joseph's 
policy  during  the  famine,  J;  his  first  meeting  with  his 
brothers,  E ;  second  meeting,  J ;  the  recognition,  JE ;  the 
establishment  of  his  kinsmen  in  Egypt,  JEP;  the  blessing 
of  Joseph's  sons  by  Jacob-Israel,  JEP  (Gen  49.  2-27  be- 
longs to  a  later  time)  ;  the  burial  of  Jacob-Israel  at  Hebron, 
JP;  the  latter  days  of  Joseph,  E. 

30.  The  Literary  and  Historical  Character  of  the 
Patriarchal  Stories.  The  literary  charm  of  the  patriarchal 
stories  has  won  universal  admiration,  and  their  religious 
value  cannot  be  overstated.  The  patriarchal  figures  are 
the  embodiment  of  the  popular  religious  faith  and  virtue. 
Abraham  is  the  friend  of  God,  characterized  by  an  un- 
swerving faith  in  the  unseen,  an  example  of  generosity  and 
obedience.  Isaac  possesses  more  of  the  passive  virtues;  he 
is  quiet  and  resigned.  Jacob  is  the  crafty;  he  knows  how 
to  drive  the  sharp  bargain  and  to  prosper  in  spite  of  diffi- 
culties. Joseph  is  the  sagacious,  pure,  and  noble.  That 
they  are  faultless  and  safe  examples  in  all  particulars  is 
nowhere  stated ;  but  that  they  as  a  whole  are  looked  upon 
with  approval  is  evident.  The  stories  are  in  the  form  of 
personal  histories.  But  in  view  of  the  fact  that  they  deal 
with  the  earliest  beginnings  of  a  nation's  history,  with  that 


FORMATION  OF  THE  HEBREW  TRIBES      51 

part  that  is  usually  little  known,  the  question  has  been 
raised  as  to  what  extent  we  have  here  strict  history.  The 
answers  that  have  been  given  to  this  question  show  that 
it  is  possible  to  err  in  either  direction,  namely,  by  over- 
emphasizing or  by  underrating  the  personal  element.  It 
is  highly  probable  that  the  stories  were  originally  trans- 
mitted from  mouth  to  mouth  and  retold  from  generation  to 
generation  in  public  gatherings  in  the  very  places  associated 
with  their  history,  as  Bethel,  Shechem,  Hebron,  or  Beer- 
sheba,  seats  of  ancient  sanctuaries.  But  such  a  trans- 
mission would  naturally  gather  to  the  stories  popular  ele- 
ments, and  in  the  end  they  would  come  to  reflect  in  many 
features  the  thought  and  life  of  later  times.  This  accounts 
for  the  literary  charm  of  the  stories,  for  the  double  or 
even  triple  form  in  which  they  are  often  found,  and  also 
for  their  apparently  disconnected  and  independent  form. 
But  while  allowance  must  thus  be  made  for  their  shaping 
and  embellishment,  there  is  reason  for  believing  that  there 
are  elements  in  them  that  rest  upon  substantial  facts  of 
history. 

The  recent  attempt  to  dissolve  the  patriarchs  into  astral 
or  tribal  gods  has  signally  failed.  Neither  has  the  attempt 
proved  successful  to  resolve  the  patriarchal  figures  into 
tribal  heroes  and  to  see  in  them  not  the  experiences  of 
individuals,  but  only  the  experiences  of  tribes.  It  is  quite 
true,  as  has  already  been  pointed  out,  that  the  biblical 
writers  often  relate  national  history  in  personal  terms,  and 
that  in  many  instances  the  personal  relations  reflect  tribal 
or  national  relations.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  personal 
element  in  the  patriarchal  stories  is  too  definite  and  pro- 
nounced to  be  accounted  for  entirely  in  this  manner.  On 
the  pylons  of  the  temple  of  Karnak  is  a  list  of  over  one 
hundred  names  of  places  which  Thutmosis  III  conquered 
in  an  expedition  against  Syria  about  1470  B.  C.  Among 
them  are  mentioned  Jacob-el  and  Joseph-el;  and  it  appears 
probable  that  there  existed  in  Palestine  in  the  middle  of 


52  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

the  fifteenth  century  B.  C.  tribes  which  bore  the  name  of 
Jacob  and  Joseph;  but  the  name  of  Abraham  has  so  far 
been  discovered  only  as  that  of  an  individual.  Tribal 
movements  imply  personal  leadership;  and  the  biblical 
tradition  which  ascribes  to  Abraham  such  leadership  is 
perfectly  reasonable.  The  fact  that  Abraham  had  a  trusty 
servant  like  Eliezer  and  other  retainers,  which  is  implied 
also  in  the  stories  of  the  other  patriarchs,  would  indicate 
that  the  biblical  writers  did  not  conceive  that  the  patriarchal 
tribes  were  composed  of  only  literal  "sons"  of  the  patri- 
archs. By  assuming,  then,  that  the  patriarchs  were  historical 
persons  and  leaders  of  tribal  movements  in  the  broader 
sense,  it  is  possible  to  meet  all  the  reasonable  requirements 
of  the  biblical  tradition.  To  what  extent  we  are  to  call  the 
tradition  legendary  will  depend  upon  the  definition  of  legend. 
If  legend  is  taken  to  be  baseless  fancy,  the  stories  are  not 
legend;  but  if  it  be  taken  that  the  essence  of  legend  consists 
of  a  wonderful  personality  who  has  made  a  deep  impression 
on  human  life  so  as  to  lead  to  idealization,  then  they  are 
legends. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Mark  in  your  Bible  the  account  of  Abraham,  underscoring  the 
names  of  the  places,  and  make  a  brief  outline  of  his  movements. 

2.  Treat  in  like  manner  the  account  of  Jacob-Israel. 

3.  Do  the  same  with  the  account  of  Joseph  and  his  brethren. 

4.  State   and    illustrate   the    virtues    and    faults   of    each    of    the 
patriarchs. 

3.    The  Traditions  of  Genesis  in  the  Light  of 
Contemporaneous  History 

31.  The  Original  Home  and  Migrations  of  the  Semites. 

Recent  archaeological  research  in  Bible  lands  yields  consider- 
able light  upon  the  historical  background  of  the  Genesis 
traditions.  The  original  home  of  the  Semites,  to  whom  the 
Hebrews  belong,  appears  to  have  been  Arabia,  whence  by 
successive  migrations  they  occupied  Babylonia,  Syria,  and 


FORMATION  OF  THE  HEBREW  TRIBES     53 

Palestine.  These  migrations  were  racial  movements  and 
explain  the  origin  of  the  Hebrews.  Our  interest  in  these 
movements  lies  in  the  fact  that  they  show  the  high  state 
of  civiHzation  that  hes  back  of  the  Hebrews'  coming  into 
Palestine. 

The  earliest  of  these  migrations  took  place  before  3000 
B.  C.  and  displaced  a  considerably  advanced  non-Semitic 
civilization  both  in  Babylonia  and  Palestine.  There  are 
biblical  references  to  these  prehistoric  inhabitants  of  Pales- 
tine (Deut  2.  2off. ;  Gen  14.  5f.),  and  the  excavations  at 
Gezer  by  Macalister  have  thrown  an  interesting  light  upon 
that  period.  Egypt  also  came  very  early  under  the  influence 
of  the  Semites.  Egyptian  monuments,  dating  back  to  3400 
B.  C.  and  relating  to  the  copper  mines  of  the  southern  end 
of  the  Sinaitic  Peninsula,  contain  figures  with  clear  Semitic 
features. 

During  the  Old  Babylonian  Supremacy,  3200-2500  B.  C, 
several  Babylonian  expeditions  were  undertaken  as  far  as 
the  Mediterranean  for  building  material. 

32.  The  Amorite  Migration.  A  second  wave  of  Semitic 
migrations  brought  the  Amorites  into  Syria  and  Palestine. 
Both  Babylonia  and  Egypt  were  kept  busy  in  checking 
these  aggressive  invaders.  The  Amorites  held  themselves 
strongly  intrenched  in  Palestine  until  they  were  finally 
driven  out  or  absorbed  by  the  Hebrews.  The  Egyptian 
story  of  Sinuhe,  belonging  to  the  ^liddle  Kingdom,  2000 
B.  C,  reveals  the  closest  commercial  and  diplomatic  rela- 
tions between  Egypt  and  Palestine,  and  shows  that  the 
needs  of  the  Amorite  tribes  were  already  those  of  highly 
civilized  people. 

33.  The  Elamite  Ascendancy  and  Gen  14.  The  four- 
teenth chapter  of  Genesis  gives  an  account  of  an  Elamite 
invasion  of  Palestine  in  the  time  of  Abraham.  The  Elam- 
ites  were  eastern  neighbors  of  the  Babylonians  and  for 
two  centuries  they  succeeded  in  holding  Babylonia  under 
their  sway. 


54  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

The  expedition  is  under  the  leadership  of  Chedorlaomer, 
king  of  Elam  (v.  17),  and  it  is  undertaken  to  recover  the 
Palestine  dependency  which  had  revolted.  The  battle  takes 
place  in  the  valley  of  Siddim,  near  the  Dead  Sea.  The 
forces  of  five  Palestinian  kings  are  defeated  and  the  con- 
querors carry  away  with  them  much  booty.  Abram,  whose 
residence  is  given  as  the  oaks  of  Mamre,  near  Hebron,  and 
who  is  a  confederate  of  the  Amorites,  comes  to  their  help; 
and  with  his  retainers  defeats  the  invaders  at  Dan.  He 
drives  them  as  far  as  Damascus,  and  returns  with  much 
spoil. 

Some  features  of  this  account  have  been  remarkably 
verified  as  strictly  historical.  Two  of  the  five  invading 
kings  can  be  identified.  Amraphel  is  a  faulty  transcription 
of  Hammurabi,  Arioch,  king  of  EUasar,  is  probably  Eri-aga, 
the  equivalent  of  Arad-Sin,  king  of  Larsa.  The  name  of 
Chedorlaomer  can  be  traced  back  to  an  Elamite  source. 
The  names  of  these  kings,  as  well  as  of  the  countries, 
appear  strictly  historical.  The  situation  also  which  makes 
these  kings  contemporaries  and  gives  to  the  Elamite  the 
supremacy  is  in  accord  with  the  known  facts  of  Babylonian 
history.  An  Elamite  invasion  of  Palestine  and  a  tem- 
porary supremacy  there  are  in  harmony  with  the  known 
policy  of  Babylonian  rulers  of  the  times ;  and  the  consequent 
revolt  of  the  Amorite  tribes  bears  also  the  stamp  of 
historicity. 

But  there  are  difficulties  in  the  way  of  making  Abraham 
a  contemporary  of  Hammurabi  and  the  chieftain  of  Amorite 
troops.  According  to  the  biblical  tradition,  Abraham  is  the 
leader  of  an  Aramean  migratory  movement ;  for  the  Israelite 
is  taught  to  say:  "  An  Aramean  [Revised  Version  text  **a 
Syrian"]  ready  to  perish  was  my  father"  (Deut  26.  5 ; 
compare  Gen  25.  20;  28.  5).  And  the  Aramean  migration 
did  not  take  place  until  several  centuries  later.  It  appears, 
further,  this  Abraham  incident  is  quite  independent  of 
other  elements  of  the  Abraham  tradition.     The  Aramean 


FORMATION  OF  THE  HEBREW  TRIBES     55 

Abraham  is  a  peaceful  man,  content  to  yield  and  pay  his 
way  as  a  stranger  in  a  strange  land;  but  the  Amorite 
Abraham  is  a  princely  warrior,  powerful  and  dignified.  A 
fully  satisfactory  explanation  of  all  the  features  of  the 
account  has  not  yet  been  given. 

34.  The  Reign  of  Hammurabi.  The  Elamite  suprem- 
acy came  to  an  end  and  that  of  Babylon  began  through 
the  energy  and  statesmanship  of  the  great  Hammurabi, 
who  himself  belonged  to  the  Amorite  race.  The  date  of 
Hammurabi  is  probably  about  1900  B.  C.  He  was  a  great 
soldier  and  conqueror,  one  of  the  greatest  builders  and 
organizers  of  antiquity.  He  excelled  also  as  a  legislator, 
and  his  law  code,  recently  discovered  at  Susa,  containing 
two  hundred  and  eighty-two  laws,  covers  the  widest  range 
of  ancient  civilization,  and  anticipates  by  a  thousand  years 
much  of  the  civil  legislation  of  the  Old  Testament.^ 

35.  The  Hyksos-Canaanite  Migration.  About  two 
centuries  later  another  Semitic  racial  migration  took  place, 
resulting  in  the  occupation  of  Palestine  by  the  Canaanites 
and  of  Egypt  by  the  Hyksos.  These  newcomers  drove  the 
Amorites  northward  to  the  mountains  of  central  Syria, 
while  they  themselves  occupied  Palestine.  This  accounts 
for  the  representation  in  the  Old  Testament  which  makes 
the  Amorite  the  lesser  and  the  Canaanite  the  greater  con- 
tingent of  the  original  inhabitants  of  Palestine  during  the 
Israelite  conquest. 

The  Hyksos,  or  "Shepherd  Kings,"  were  the  fifteenth 
and  sixteenth  Dynasties  of  Egypt  (cir.  1650-1580  B.  C), 
and  governed  the  entire  country  of  Egypt.  Classical  writers 
have  strangely  confused  them  with  the  patriarchal  tribes 
who  went  down  to  Egypt.  They  were  nomads,  coming 
from  the  east;  and  their  names  betray  a  Semitic  language. 
They  adopted  the  culture  of  Egypt;  oppressed  the  natives, 
who  hated  them  as  intruders,  and  called  them  the  ''pest." 


1  For  the  Code  of  Hammurabi,  see  Rogers,  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, pp.  395-465- 


56  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

About  1500  B.  C.  the  Hyksos  were  driven  from  Egypt  into 
northern  Syria.  They  mingled  with  the  other  population 
of  Palestine,  producing  the  race  called  indiscriminately 
Amorites  (Josh  24.  8,  18)  and  Canaanites  (Gen  24.  3-7). 

36.  The  Tell  El-Amarna  Period.  The  struggle  against 
the  Hyksos  brought  to  Egypt  a  period  of  united  effort  and 
splendid  achievement,  resulting  in  Egyptian  supremacy 
lasting  for  a  century  and  a  half.  It  is  the  period  of  Pales- 
tinian history  sometimes  called  the  Tell  El-Amarna  period, 
from  the  fact  that  at  a  place  by  that  name  in  Egypt,  one 
hundred  and  sixty  miles  south  of  Cairo,  was  discovered  in 
1887  a  large  number  of  clay  tablets,  which  proved  to  be 
the  reports  or  letters  of  Egyptian  officials  to  the  king  of 
Egypt.  The  language  is  Babylonian,  which  shows  it  to  have 
been  the  means  of  international  communication.  The  letters 
come  from  Babylonia,  Assyria,  the  land  of  the  Hittites, 
Mitanni,  Cyprus,  Syria,  and  Palestine,  showing  the  extent 
of  Egypt's  sway.  One  is  tempted  to  go  into  the  details  of 
these  letters,  but  space  forbids.  The  kings  addressed  are 
Amenophis  HI  and  IV,  which  fixes  the  date  of  the  corres- 
pondence as  cir.  1400  B.  C.  The  tone  of  the  letters  indicates 
that  Egypt's  hold  is  loosening,  and  there  are  numerous 
calls  for  help  against  invaders.  Among  the  three  hundred 
and  sixty  longer  and  shorter  documents  are  six  letters  from 
Abdihiba  of  Jerusalem,  assuring  the  king  of  Egypt  of  his 
loyalty  and  asking  help  against  the  unfriendly  Habiri. 

...  So  long  as  the  king,  my  lord,  lives,  when  an  officer  goes  forth 
I  shall  say:  the  land  of  the  king,  my  lord,  is  going  to  ruin.  But 
you  do  not  listen  to  me,  all  the  princes  are  lost,  and  the  king,  my 
lord,  will  have  no  more  princes.  Let  the  king  turn  his  face  to 
the  princes,  and  let  the  king,  my  lord,  send  troops.  The  king  has 
no  longer  any  territory.  The  Habiri  have  devastated  all  the  king's 
territory.  If  there  be  troops  in  this  year,  the  land  will  remain  to 
the  king,  my  lord's,  but  if  no  troops  come,  the  lands  of  the  king, 
my  lord,  are  lost.^ 


2  See  Rogers,  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  2695. 


FORMATION  OF  THE  HEBREW  TRIBES     57 

This  portion  of  the  letter  of  the  governor  of  Jerusalem 
illustrates  the  nature  of  the  correspondence.  It  mentions 
particularly  two  foes  that  threaten  Egypt's  domain  in 
Palestine,  the  Hatti  and  the  Habiri. 

37.  The  Hittites.  That  the  Hatti  are  the  Hittites  of 
the  Old  Testament  is  generally  held;  but  what  their  race 
or  language  was  has  not  yet  been  determined,  except  nega- 
tively, that  it  was  not  Semitic.  All  the  Biblical  sources 
regard  the  Hittites  as  early  inhabitants  of  Palestine  (Exod 
3.  8,  17;  Num  13,  29).  Their  original  home  appears  to 
have  been  Asia  Minor,  whence  they  spread  into  north  Syria 
and  eastward  to  the  Euphrates.  They  were  a  highly  civil- 
ized and  powerful  people;  and  from  1500-700  B.  C.  strongly 
influenced  Syrian  history.  They  have  left  numerous  monu- 
ments and  inscriptions,  which  still  await  a  successful 
decipherer. 

38.  The  Habiri.  There  appears  nothing  in  the  way 
etymologically  of  regarding  the  name  ''Habiri"  as  the 
equivalent  of  the  Hebrews ;  but  that  they  were  the  Hebrews 
of  the  Old  Testament;  that  is,  the  Israelites,  is  altogether 
doubtful.  The  most  that  can  be  said  is  that  they  were, 
like  them,  Semites,  or  more  particularly,  Aramean  invaders, 
probably  an  earlier  wave  of  migration  of  the  same  race. 
This  would  accord  with  the  fact  that  biblical  sources  give 
the  name  ''Eber"  to  the  great-grandson  of  Shem,  from 
whom  are  traced,  after  six  generations,  the  Arameans 
(Gen  10.  21;  II.  14-26;  P;  Gen  22.  21;  J). 

39.  The  Aramean  Migration.  Several  generations, 
then,  after  the  Habiri  of  the  Tell  El-Amarna  period,  an- 
other Aramean  migration  brought  the  historical  Hebrews 
to  Palestine.  The  name  "Hebrew"  means  one  "who  has 
come  across,"  namely,  from  the  other  side  of  the  river 
(Euphrates)  ;  that  is,  Haran,  either  as  an  immigrant  or 
trader  (Josh  24.  2f;  Gen  11.  31;  24.  4,  7,  10).  A  part  of 
that  migration,  represented  as  under  the  leadership  of  Lot, 
the  son  of  Haran,  the  brother  of  Abraham,  whose  older 


58  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

name  was  Lotan  (Gen  36.  20,  22,  29) — Egyptian,  Rut  en,  or 
Luten — settled  on  the  east  side  of  the  Jordan,  producing,  of 
course  by  amalgamation  with  the  resident  elements,  the 
nations  of  Moab  and  Ammon.  The  main  stock  of  the  new- 
comers, probably  of  moderate  numbers,  represented  under 
the  leadership  of  Abraham,  found  their  domicile  in  southern 
Palestine.  The  clans  of  Hagar,  Keturah,  and  Sarah,  named 
as  wives  of  Abraham,  developed  into  independent  groups  of 
people.  Of  Hagar  came  the  Ishmaelites,  "twelve  princes 
according  to  their  nations,"  whose  home  was  ''the  wilder- 
ness of  Paran,"  bordering  on  the  west  on  Egypt,  with 
whom  they  are  considered  related  (Gen  21.  1-21 ;  25.  12-18). 
Of  Keturah  came  the  Midianites  (Gen  25.  1-4),  and  other 
Arabian  tribes,  some  of  them  inhabiting  the  central  section 
of  the  Sinaitic  peninsula,  and  others  the  desert  lands  on 
the  east  of  Palestine.  Of  Sarah  came  Isaac,  who  is  asso- 
ciated with  places  in  the  south  of  Palestine,  Beersheba 
and  the  Negeb. 

Gen  24  The  beautiful  story  of  Eliezer's  wooing  of  Rebekah  for 

his  master's  son  Isaac,  no  doubt,  expresses  the  historical 
reminiscence  that  the  Isaac  group  received  reenforcements 
from  the  original  Aramean  stock,  while  others  apparently 
did  not.  Out  of  this  newer  element  were  formed  the  groups 
of  Esau  and  Israel.  Esau  became  the  Edomites,  situated 
in  the  mountains  of  Seir,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Sinaitic 
peninsula,  who,  according  to  biblical  tradition,  amalgamated 
partially  with  Hittite  elements  of  the  native  population 
(Gen  26.  34f.)  and  partially  with  Ishmaelite  stock  (28.  8f.). 

Gen  29  to  33  40.  Jacob-Israel.    The  Aramean  relationship  of  Jacob- 

Israel  is  even  more  pronounced  than  that  of  Isaac.  He 
is  represented  as  personally  returning  to  Mesopotamia, 
where  he  marries  into  the  family  of  Laban  the  Aramean, 
and  comes  back  to  Canaan  with  wives  and  children  and 
considerable  property.  We  have  evidently  here  to  do  with 
a  somewhat  later  Aramean  migration,  consisting  of  clans 
bearing  the  names  of  Leah,  Rachel,  Zilpah,  and   Bilhah. 


FORMATION  OF  THE  HEBREW  TRIBES     59 

The  sons  of  Jacob-Israel  are  grouped  into  twelve  tribes, 
like  the  descendants  of  Nahor  and  Ishmael. 

41.    The  Patriarchal  Tribal  Mode  of  Life  and  Settle- 
ments.    It  is   commonly   supposed   that   the   patriarchs 
lived  a  nomadic  life  in  Canaan,  roaming  through  the  length 
and  breadth  of  it,  pitching  their  tents  or  removing  them 
frequently,   but   upon   closer   examination    of   the   biblical 
data  it  is  discovered  that  this  is  merely  a  superficial  appear- 
ance.    It  is  in  large  measure  due  to  the  compiler  of  the 
stories.     These  stories,  v^^hich  originally  were  independent, 
are   now   strung   together   and   connected   with    scenes    in 
different  parts  of  Palestine.    They  thus  produce  the  impres- 
sion of  constant  movement,  whereas,  in  fact,  there  are  only 
three  localities  that  are  associated  with  them  as  domiciles, 
namely,  Hebron  and  Beersheba,  and  the  Negeb  in  the  south ; 
Shechem  and  Bethel  in  the  center;  and  Penuel  and  Maha- 
naim  by  the  River  Jabbok  in  the  east  of  Palestine.    Neither 
was  the  mode   of   life  nomadic,   but   seminomadic,   which 
constitutes  a  definite  intermediate  stage  between  the  settled 
life  of  the  agriculturist  and  the  roaming  life  of  the  nomad 
in  that  it  contains  elements  of  both,  still  to  be  found  in 
eastern  Palestine,  and  represented  by  the  term  "Ma-aze." 
The  Bedouin  is  the  nomad,  who  does  not  till  the  soil;  the 
fellahin,  the  agriculturist;  but  the  Ma-aze,  living  along  the 
border  of  the  desert  and  arable  land,  is  the  shepherd  who 
tills  the  soil  as  he  has  opportunity,  without  settling  per- 
manently.    The  difference  in  these  three  modes  of  life  is 
illustrated  in  the  story  of  Cain  and  Abel   (Gen  4.   1-16), 
which  is  evidently  written  from  the  point  of  view  of  the 
seminomad. 

It  is  evident  that  the  patriarchal  life  is  conceived  as 
seminomadic.  The  patriarchs  are  shepherds  whose  flocks 
consist  of  sheep  and  goats,  which  need  daily  watering: 
hence  the  numerous  quarrels  over  wells ;  they  have  "houses" 
(Gen  2-].  15),  and  apparently  till  the  soil  and  reap  lentils 
(25.  34).    The  only  question  that  can  be  raised  is  whether 


6o  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

it  correctly  represents  the  tradition  or  is  due  to  a  later 
conception.  But  as  such  a  mode  of  life  is  not  improbable 
in  itself,  and  there  is  no  evidence  to  the  contrary,  there 
exists  no  reason  for  not  taking  it  as  embodying  historical 
reminiscence. 

Of  the  three  localities  associated  with  the  patriarchs, 
Hebron  and  the  Negeb  are  associated  with  Abraham  and 
Isaac;  and  it  would  seem  to  indicate  that  it  was  there  that 
the  Hebrews  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  temporary  foothold. 
This  region  meets  exactly  with  the  political  and  geograph- 
ical conditions  for  such  a  settlement ;  for  it  is  the  borderland 
of  the  desert,  less  sought  after,  and  has  ever  been  less 
capable  of  control.  The  other  two  localities  are  associated 
with  Jacob-Israel.  The  double  name  *'Jacob"  and  "Israel," 
together  with  the  two  localities  in  different  parts  of  Pales- 
tine, would  indicate  two  tribal  movements,  originally  inde- 
pendent, but  ultimately  so  fused  as  to  leave  the  point  of 
fusion  indiscernible. 

The  residence  of  Jacob-Israel  in  east  and  central  Pales- 
tine was  probably  only  of  short  duration — through  the 
eastern  part  a  merely  tardy  passing  through  on  the  way  from 
the  Hauran.     The  residence  around  Shechem,  as  appears 

Gen  34  f  rom  the  episode  of  Gen  34,  was  probably  longer.     This 

chapter  tells  of  a  conflict  between  the  tribes  Simeon  and 
Levi,  '"sons"  of  Leah,  with  the  native  Canaanites  on  account 
of  their  "sister"  Dinah.  We  have  here  a  reminiscence  of 
patriarchal  times,  which  is  reflected  also  in  Gen  49.  5-7. 
Accordingly,  the  residence  of  Jacob-Israel  must  have  been 
cut  short  by  the  conflicts  with  the  Canaanites  of  the  region. 
These  conflicts  finally  drove  them  into  the  more  permanent 

Gen  38  settlement  in  the  south.     A  similarly  early  tradition  is  con- 

tained in  Gen  38,  which  gives  the  origin  of  the  chief  clans 
of  the  tribe  of  Judah  through  intermarriages  with  Canaan- 
ites of  Adullam,  Timnah,  and  Chezib,  lying  among  the  foot- 
hills east  of  the  Philistine  plain.  In  this  southern  district 
of  Palestine,  Hebron  and  Beersheba,  the  early  scenes  of 


FORMATION  OF  THE  HEBREW  TRIBES    6i 

Joseph's  life  are  laid   (Gen  37.   14,  22;  46.  5),  and  it  is 
from  here  the  movement  proceeded  toward  Goshen. 

42.  The  Descent  into  Egypt.  The  stories  of  Joseph 
narrate  the  descent  into  Egypt  with  most  fascinating  details, 
and  are  remarkably  true  to  Egyptian  manners  and  condi- 
tions. The  cause  of  the  migration  to  Egypt  was  a  famine. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  all  of  Jacob-Israel  par- 
took in  the  movement,  and,  as  will  appear  later,  there  are 
reasons  for  holding  that  some  of  Israel  remained  in  their 
settlement.  On  the  other  hand,  Egyptian  documents  have 
made  it  clear  that  Bedouin  movements  to  Goshen  were  not 
uncommon,  and  were  sanctioned  by  the  Egyptian  govern- 
ment. In  the  time  of  Menerphtah  (1225-12 15  B.  C.),  an 
official  in  charge  of  the  border  defense  reports  to  his 
superior:  *'We  have  permitted  the  Bedouin  tribes  of  Edom 
to  pass  through  the  fortress  of  Menerphtah  in  Zeku  to  the 
marshes  of  Pithom  in  order  to  keep  them  and  their  herds 
alive  in  the  possession  of  the  king." 

43.  The  Presuppositions  of  the  Biblical  Tradition. 
There  are  two  religious  presuppositions  which  underlie 
the  patriarchal  stories  in  their  present  form:  first,  that 
Canaan  was  the  land  of  the  Hebrews  by  divine  promise 
before  they  took  possession  of  it;  and,  secondly,  that  the 
migration  of  Abraham  had  its  motive  in  religious  faith. 

The  temporary  foothold  that  the  patriarchs  had  gained 
in  Palestine,  we  may  hold,  was  the  promise  of  the  full 
possession  of  it  to  their  descendants ;  and  it  no  doubt  exerted 
no  small  influence  in  the  subsequent  history  of  the  conquest. 
The  memory  that  their  fathers  once  lived  in  the  land  and 
held  it  in  parts  might  well  have  awakened  aspirations  and 
hopes  concerning  it,  and  stirred  their  faith  to  make  the 
effort  to  obtain  it. 

As  to  Abraham's  religious  motive,  it  is  evident  that  both 
Babylonia  and  Egypt  about  his  time  saw  new  movements 
in  religion.  In  the  time  of  Hammurabi,  IMarduk,  the  city- 
god  of  Babylon,  became  the  chief  god  of  the  Babylonian 


62  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

pantheon.  One  of  the  effects  of  this  change  would  be  to 
degrade  the  god  Sin,  who  had  his  worship  in  Ur  and  Haran, 
both  associated  in  tradition  with  Abraham.  These  changes 
were  deHberately  undertaken  to  unify  the  state.  In  some 
instances  the  rival  shrine  was  sacked,  the  images  and  votive 
offerings  destroyed,  and  the  cult  prohibited  by  the  authority 
of  the  king  of  Babylon.  In  Egypt  Amenophis  IV,  known 
as  the  heretic  king,  deliberately  and  systematically  set  to 
work  to  establish  a  new  religion  over  Egypt.  He  changed 
his  own  name  in  honor  of  his  new  faith,  and  built  for 
himself  a  new  capital  on  the  site  of  the  modern  Tell  El- 
Amarna,  in  order  to  give  fuller  expression  to  the  new  cult. 
That  these  changes  in  Babylon  and  Egypt  were  not  made 
without  protest  and  opposition  is  evident  from  the  political 
revolutions  that  followed,  for  it  is  quite  evident  that  not 
only  kings  but  their  subjects  also  felt  deeply  on  religious 
matters. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  who  can  feel  himself  competent 
to  deny  the  possibility  of  the  religious  motive  which  biblical 
tradition  ascribes  to  the  migration  of  Abraham?  Here  we 
have  the  picture  of  a  man  devoutly  religious  in  his  life, 
seeking  for  himself  and  his  family  a  place  where  he  may 
continue  the  pure  worship  of  God.  Such  motive  does  not 
necessarily  imply  the  exalted  conceptions  of  the  Deity  that 
came  into  Israel's  possession  during  the  more  advanced 
stages  in  the  history  of  divine  revelation,  but  it  signifies 
the  beginning,  however  simple  and  imperfect,  of  the  faith 
as  well  as  the  people  whose  mission  it  was  to  bring  religious 
truth  to  the  world. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Consider  the  causes  of  tribal  movements  in  general  history 
and  find  instances  other  than  biblical  of  the  rise  of  nations  from 
migrations. 

2.  Read  the  account  of  the  movements  of  Abraham  from  the 
point  of  view  of  a  tribal  migration  and  consider  (i)  Was  it  an 
isolated  movement?     (2)   What  were  its  probable  causes?  and  (3) 


FORMATION  OF  THE  HEBREW  TRIBES    63 

What  other  peoples  besides  the  Hebrews  trace  their  origin  to  Abra- 
ham? 

3.  Consider  the  historical  significance  of  the  stories  of  the  relation 
of  Jacob  to  Laban,  and  Jacob  to  Esau.  Consult  Bible  Dictionary, 
articles  "Laban,"  "Esau,"  "Tribes  of  Israel." 

4.  Consider  the  relation  of  southern  Palestine  to  Egypt  as  re- 
flected in  the  Joseph  stories  and  note  how  the  life  of  the  patriarchal 
tribes  and  the  policy  of  Egypt  comport  with  biblical  traditions. 

5.  Draw  parallels  between  the  migratory  movements  of  the 
patriarchal  tribes  and  the  discovery  and  early  settlements  of  the 
American  continent  and  the  providential  purposes  in  each. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  AWAKENING  OF  THE  NATIONAL 
CONSCIOUSNESS— MOSES 

I.    The  Emancipation 

44.  The  Biblical  Sources.  The  biblical  tradition  as- 
cribes to  Moses  the  laying  of  the  foundations  of  the  Hebrew 
nation  and  religion.  While  many  details  are  uncertain,  the 
essential  parts  have  become  remarkably  confirmed,  namely, 
the  residence  of  the  Hebrew  tribes  in  Egypt,  the  person- 
ality and  leadership  of  Moses,  the  exodus,  with  the  crossing 
of  the  Red  Sea,  the  covenant  at  Horeb-Sinai,  and  the 
political  and  religious  organization  at  Kadesh. 

The  biblical  material  for  the  period,  as  contained  in 
Exodus-Deuteronomy,  consists  mainly  of  two  elements — 
historical  matter  in  the  form  of  narrative,  and  legislation 
in  the  form  of  bodies  of  laws.  The  latter  have  already 
been  discussed  in  Section  6.  The  narrative  element  in 
Exodus-Numbers  in  its  present  form  is  as  in  Genesis  a 
combination  of  the  three  main  sources — J,  E,  and  P;  in 
Deuteronomy  we  now  meet  a  source  that  stands  by  itself, 
having  originated  in  the  seventh  century,  and  belonging 
thus  between  J,  E,  and  P,  designated  by  D. 

Like  the  material  in  Genesis  it  is  historical  tradition 
which  has  passed  through  various  processes  of  popular 
transformation.  Many  of  the  stories  were  at  first  units,  as, 
for  instance,  the  story  of  the  circumcision  of  Moses  (Exod 
4.  24-26)  ;  some  of  them,  dealing  with  common  matter,  were 
later  combined  into  groups.  In  passing  through  the  proc- 
esses of  their  literary  history  many  original  details  have 

64 


MOSES  65 

become  indistinct  or  displaced,  or,  to  avoid  ofifense,  trans- 
formed to  meet  the  conditions  of  the  later  conceptions. 
But  the  primitive  features  of  many  details,  which  have  no 
meaning  in  later  time,  stamp  them  as  ancient,  and  in  many 
cases  they  go  back  to  the  time  of  Moses.  The  recognition 
of  this  somewhat  complicated  character  of  the  material, 
which  will  appear  in  further  discussion,  offers  most  inter- 
esting, plausible,  and  in  many  cases  the  most  satisfactory 
explanation  obtainable  of  the  varying  representations  met 
with  in  the  accounts. 

45.  The  Egyptian  Enslavement.  Throughout  the  en-  Exod  i 
tire  Hebrew  literature  constant  reference  is  made  to  Israel's 
residence  in  Egypt,  their  enslavement  and  deliverance ;  and 
although  the  monuments  have  so  far  furnished  no  con- 
firmation of  these  events,  there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt 
of  them,  for  it  may  be  confidently  asserted  that  no  nation 
would  invent  such  a  story  of  disgraceful  slavery  regarding 
itself.  But  by  Egypt  we  are  to  understand  only  Goshen, 
an  eastern  district  bordering  on  the  Arabian  Desert,  sharing 
its  character,  and  belonging  to  Arabia  as  much  as  to  Egypt. 
The  land  was  specially  suited  for  shepherds;  and  there  the 
Hebrew  tribes  might  continue  their  seminomadic  mode  of 
life,  and  feel  but  lightly  the  influence  of  Egyptian  culture. 

It  is  in  this  region  that  Naville  found  in  1883  ^^  Tell 
El-Maskhuta,  in  the  valley  Tumilat,  remains  of  the  store- 
houses of  Pithom — Egyptian,  Petom,  ''house  of  Etom" — 
and  near  it,  on  Tell  Rotab,  Petrie  discovered  the  second 
city  Raamses,  named  "the  house  of  Ramses,"  in  front  of 
whose  temple  the  king  himself  is  represented  in  the  act 
of  slaying  with  his  own  hand  a  Syrian. 

The  number  of  Israelites  in  Egypt  could  not  have  been 
very  large.  The  narrative  states  that  two  midwives  were 
sufficient  for  taking  care  of  their  births,  and  we  learn  from 
Judges  5.  8  that  a  century  later  there  were  about  forty 
thousand  warriors  in  Israel.  These  statements  are  to  be 
preferred  to  that  of  Exod  12.  2^7^  which  gives  the  number 


66  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

of  Israelites  at  the  exodus  as  six  hundred  thousand  men, 
implying  a  total  of  about  a  million  and  a  half.  Such  a 
number  is  contradictory  to  all  the  probabilities  of  the  geo- 
graphical and  historical  background,  and  probably  rests 
upon  a  characteristic  exaggeration  of  a  later  source. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  all  the  tribes  that 
later  constituted  national  Israel  resided  in  Egypt.  That 
the  Hebrews  met  kindred  tribes  in  the  Arabian  desert  and 
united  with  them  is  clear  from  the  account  of  the  Kenites 
(Num  10.  29-32;  Judg  I.  16).  In  the  inscription  of 
Mernephtah,  discovered  in  Egypt  in  1896,  Israel  is  men- 
tioned in  connection  with  the  king's  conquests  in  Canaan: 

Plundered  is  the  Canaan,  with  every  evil, 

Carried  off  is  Askalon, 

Seized  upon  is  Gezer, 

Yenoam  is  made  a  thing  not  existing, 

Israel  is  desolated,  her  seed  is  not, 

Palestine  has  become  a    (defenseless)    widow   for   Egypt.^ 

This  would  clearly  indicate  that  parts  of  Israel  were  al- 
ready settled,  probably  in  the  southern  sections  of  Palestine, 
before  the  exodus  (compare  Section  41).  The  prominence 
given  to  Joseph  in  Egypt  also  points  to  the  Rachel  tribes, 
Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  as  constituting  the  chief,  though 
not  necessarily  the  only,  contingent;  and  thus  it  seems 
altogether  probable  that  in  the  ultimate  formation  of  the 
nation  of  Israel  other  elements  were  added  to  that  of  the 
residents  of  Egypt. 

46.  The  Date  of  the  Exodus.  How  long  the  Hebrewrs 
were  in  Egypt  and  what  is  the  date  of  the  exodus  cannot 
be  absolutely  stated.  It  is  now  quite  generally  assumed 
that  it  was  Rameses  II  (cir.  1290- 1220  B.  C.)  who  was  the 
Pharaoh  of  the  oppression;  and  Merneptah,  his  son  (cir. 
1220-1210),  the  Pharaoh  of  the  Exodus.  Rameses  II  was 
the  most  energetic  ruler  of  the  nineteenth  Dynasty,  a  great 
conqueror  and  builder,  covering  Egypt  with  temples,  the 

I  See  Breasted,  A  History  of  Egypt,  p.  470, 


MOSES  ^j 

magnificent  remains  of  which  are  still  to  be  seen  at  Luxor 
and  Karnak.  He  was  just  such  a  man  as  might  have 
enforced  labor  for  his  building  projects  as  the  biblical 
builder  of  Pithom  and  Raamses,  upon  whose  ruins  bricks 
bearing  his  name  have  been  found.  During  the  reign  of 
Merneptah  attempts  were  made  on  the  part  of  his  Asiatic 
subjects  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  Egypt;  and  the  latter  part 
of  his  reign  and  the  unsettled  period  following  upon  his 
death  constituted  political  conditions  of  Eg}'pt  favorable 
to  the  flight  of  the  Hebrews.  The  date  of  the  Exodus  may 
thus  be  set  about  1200  B.  C. 

It  appears,  then,  that,  as  the  opening  chapters  of  the 
book  of  Exodus  indicate,  we  must  picture  to  ourselves  the 
Hebrew  tribes,  consisting  of  a  hmited  number,  subject  to 
oppression,  and  given  over  to  dissatisfaction  and  hopeless- 
ness, aggravated  by  a  growing  consciousness  of  the  loss 
of  their  freedom.  It  was  a  crisis,  calling  for  a  leader  with 
a  vision,  courage,  and  faith, 

47.  The  Call  of  Moses.  The  historical  character  of  Exod  2  to  4-  6 
Moses  is  not  bound  up  with  the  details  of  his  childhood  and 
life.  It  is  quite  probable  that  later  generations  of  Hebrews, 
conscious  of  what  Moses  had  done  for  them  as  a  nation, 
delighted  to  weave  about  him  strange  happenings,  much  as 
we  do  about  Washington.2  g^t  we  need  to  be  on  our  guard 
not  to  allow  ourselves  to  be  robbed  of  valuable  historical 
elements  embedded  in  popular  tradition. 

The  name  of  Moses  is  Egyptian,  and  its  Hebrew  meaning 


'  A  striking  parallel  to  the  story  of  Moses  in  the  bulrushes  is  found  in  The  Legend 
of  Sargon,  King  of  Agade.     Compare   Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old  Testament, 

"Sargon,  the  mighty  king,  the  king  of  Agade,  am  I, 
My  mother  was  lowly,  my  father  I  knew  not. 
And  the  brother  of  my  father  dwells  in  the  mountam. 
My  city  is  Azupiranu,  which  lies  on  the  bank  of  the  Euphrates. 
My  lowly  mother  conceived  me,  in  secret  she  brought  me  forth. 
She  set  me  in  a  basket  of  rushes,  with  bitumen  she  closed  my  door; 
She  cast  me  into  the  river,  which  rose  not  over  me. 
The  river  bore  me  up,  unto  Akki,  the  irrigator,  it  carried  me. 
Akki,  the  irrigator,  with  .  .  .  lifted  me  out, 
Akki,  the  irrigator,  as  his  own  son  .  .  .  reared  me, 
Akki,  the  irrigator,  as  his  gardener  appointed  me. 
While  I  was  a  gardener  the  goddess  Ishtar  loved  me, 
And  for  .  . .  — four  years  I  ruled  the  kingdom." 


68  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

but  a  play  upon  the  word.  He  appears  to  have  shared  the 
oppression  of  his  people;  and  his  contact  with  the  culture 
and  learning  of  Egypt  did  not  make  him  forget  his  origin. 
Of  vital  importance  was  his  residence  in  the  Arabian 
desert  with  the  Midianites,  among  whom  he  married  and 
had  children,  and  whose  priest,  Jethro  (E  Exod  3.  i)  or 
Hobab  (J  Num  10.  29),  was  his  father-in-law,  and  where, 
at  Horeb-Sinai,  he  received  the  call  to  his  mission.  The 
call  of  Moses,  given  by  the  three  sources  with  varying 
details,  conveys  three  essential  facts:  (i)  the  Midianite 
environment  as  the  source  whence  came  the  inspiration  of 
Moses;  (2)  the  new  element  in  the  religion  of  the  Hebrews, 
represented  by  the  new  name  of  Jehovah;  and  (3)  the 
personal  element  in  the  experience  of  Moses  through  whom 
the  new  religious  truth  was  transmitted  to  his  people. 

The  people  whom  Moses  joins  are  called  Midianites, 
whose  descent  is  traced  back  to  Abraham  by  Keturah 
(Gen  25.  2);  but  Moses's  father-in-law  is  also  called  a 
Kenite  (Judg  i.  16)  ;  and  it  would  seem  that  the  Kenites 
were  a  branch  of  the  Midianites.  Now,  the  Kenites  sustain 
from  the  beginning  to  the  very  end  of  Israel's  national 
history  a  very  close  and  influential  relation  to  the  Israelites. 
Moses  marries  into  their  priest's  family;  the  priest  sug- 
gests to  Moses  methods  of  judicial  procedure  and  ad- 
ministration (Exod  18)  ;  the  Kenites  join  Israel,  enter  with 
them  Canaan,  and  live  among  them  (Num  10.  29-32;  Judg 

1.  16;  I  Sam  15.  6;  2y.  10;  30.  29);  Jael,  the  heroine  in 
the  song  of  Deborah,  belonged  to  the  Kenites  (Judg  5.  24; 
4.  17)  ;  the  Rechabites,  descendants  of  the  Kenites  (i  Chron 

2.  55),  stand  by  Jehu  in  his  attempt  to  extirpate  Baal 
worship  from  Israel  (2  Kings  10.  15)  ;  and  in  the  days  of 
Jeremiah,  these  Kenites  are  held  up  by  the  prophet  as 
illustrious  examples  of  loyalty  (Jer  35).  It  is  to  be  observed 
that  this  close  relation  goes  back  to  the  time  of  Moses ;  and 
Moses  when  he  unites  with  the  Kenites  is  among  relatives, 
children  of  Abraham. 


MOSES  69 

It  is  while  Moses  is  among  these  Kenites  that  he  learns 
the  nezv  name  of  God,  JEHOVAH.  Such  is  the  express 
statement  of  P:  '7  appeared  unto  Abraham,  unto  Isaac, 
and  unto  Jacob,  as  God  Almighty  [El  Shaddai];  but  by 
my  name  Jehovah  I  zvas  not  knoivn  to  theni'  (Exod  6.  3)  ; 
and  with  this  agrees  also  E  (Exod  3.  13-14)  ;  and  both  these 
sources  have  consistently  refrained  up  to  this  point  from 
using  the  name  *'J^hovah"  when  speaking  of  God.  This 
fact  has  served  as  one  of  the  criteria  to  distinguish  the 
sources,  but  from  now  on  fails.  But  J  knows  of  no  such 
difference;  he  has  used  the  name  ''Jehovah"  from  the 
account  of  the  creation  onward,  and  says,  for  instance, 
''Abraham  called  the  name  of  that  place  Jehovah-Jireh" 
(Gen  22.  14).  This  obvious  divergence  has  raised  the 
question.  Which  of  the  sources  has  transmitted  the  correct 
tradition?  Many  scholars  have  taken  it  that  it  is  E  and  P 
who  are  correct ;  that  the  God  of  the  Kenites  was  known  by 
the  distinctive  name  of  Jehovah,  from  whom  Moses  now  had 
learned  it,  and  that  it  constituted  the  new  element  that  he 
brought  with  him  on  his  return  from  the  Arabian  desert 
to  Goshen.  With  this  view,  it  is  pointed  out,  would  cor- 
respond the  fact  that  in  J,  which  had  its  origin  in  the  south 
or  in  Judah,  where  the  Kenites  were  at  home,  the  name  of 
Jehovah  is  familiar  throughout.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
this  view  has  to  contend  with  the  difficulty  that  it  involves 
the  rather  strange  situation  of  the  Hebrew  tribes  rallying 
under  the  call  of  an  entirely  new  God.  But  it  is  possible  that 
the  difference  between  the  two  traditions  has  been  exag- 
gerated ;  that  there  is  a  measure  of  truth  in  both,  and  a 
reconciliation  possible.  All  the  three  sources  agree  that  it 
is  the  God  of  the  fathers  who  appeared  to  Moses ;  E  also 
says  that  Jehovah  is  the  God  of  the  fathers  (Exod  3.  15)  ; 
and  it  is  P  alone,  the  latest  of  the  sources,  that  says  that 
the  name  was  entirely  unknown  to  the  fathers.  It  would 
not  be  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  Jehovah  was  the  name 
of  the  God  of  the  fathers,  perj^etuated  by  some  of   the 


yo  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

branches  of  the  Hebrew  family  of  tribes,  one  among  other 
names,  Hke  ELYON  or  SHADDAI,  associated  in  the  mem- 
ory of  the  Goshen  tribes  with  ancestral  history;  once  used, 
but  in  the  shifting  of  tribal  movements  partially  forgotten, 
but  now  revived  and  filled  with  new  meaning.  What  Moses 
had  thus  experienced  among  the  Kenites  was  a  revival  of 
ancestral  religion ;  in  a  measure  new  and  yet  not  quite  new ; 
forgotten  in  the  adverse  and  foreign  Goshen  environment, 
and  now  once  more  brought  to  the  Hebrew  tribes  instinct 
with  a  new  enthusiasm. 

The  commission  of  Moses  is  conveyed  in  the  form  of  a 
theophany — that  of  the  burning  bush.  The  symbolisms 
suggest  that  it  was  in  the  precincts  of  a  sanctuary,  on  holy 
ground,  that  the  divine  call  came  to  him;  while  he  was 
engaged  in  serving  his  priestly  father-in-law  at  the  "moun- 
tain of  God,"  Horeb-Sinai,  Jehovah  impressed  him  with 
the  mission  of  becoming  the  helper  of  his  oppressed  breth- 
ren. It  was  here  in  the  Arabian  Desert,  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  an  ancient  Kenite  sanctuary,  among  the  free  kindred 
of  his  people,  under  the  influence  of  a  priest  of  Jehovah, 
that  the  conviction  took  possession  of  him  that  Jehovah 
had  called  him  to  make  the  effort  to  free  his  brethren  from 
Egyptian  bondage  and  bring  them  to  the  place  and  people 
where  he  himself  had  realized  the  presence  of  God,  even  to 
Horeb-Sinai.  It  was  in  the  way  in  which  God  still  calls 
men  to  serve  their  fellow  men.  Man's  need  is  God's 
opportunity.  To  aid  an  oppressed  and  discouraged  people, 
he  providentially  prepares  a  leader  by  opening  his  eyes  to 
see  superior  spiritual  and  social  possibilities,  and  lets  him 
taste  them  first  for  himself;  and  then  he  fires  his  heart  to 
seek  to  extend  these  privileges  to  those  who  need  them  but 
have  them  not. 
Exods.  I  to6.  i;  fhe  accounts  of  the  execution  of  Moses's  commission, 
his  hesitancy,  his  encouragement  by  the  promise  of  divine 
aid  and  the  association  of  Aaron  his  brother  with  him,  the 
unbelief  of  his  people,  the  opposition  of  Pharaoh,  and  the 


MOSES  ^1 

series  of  divine  interpositions,  all  bear  witness  to  and  reflect 
the  recognition  of  the  magnitude  of  the  task  and  God's 
gracious  providence  in  Israel's  deliverance  from  Egypt. 

Our  accounts  narrate  one  sign  and  wonder  and  ten 
plagues,  which  were  to  convince  Pharaoh  and  coerce  him 
into  the  permission  to  allow  his  Hebrew  subjects  to  go  a 
three  days'  journey  into  the  wilderness  to  sacrifice  to 
Jehovah  their  God.  The  ten  plagues  are:  (i)  blood; 
(2)  frogs;  (3)  lice;  (4)  flies;  (5)  murrain;  (6)  boils; 
(7)  hail;  (8)  locusts;  (9)  darkness;  and  (10)  the  death 
of  the  first-born.  Each  of  the  documents  has  its  own 
enumeration;  J  has  six,  E  four,  and  P  five;  but  combined 
there  are  ten;  it  is  likely,  however,  that  3  and  4,  and 
5  and  6  are  duplicated,  reducing  the  number  to  eight. 
Modern  residents  of  Egypt  have  pointed  out  certain  con- 
ditions which  may  have  formed  a  natural  basis  for  this 
series  of  plagues.  It  is  impossible  to  determine  with  exact- 
ness the  precise  mode,  but  whatever  the  mode  of  occur- 
rence may  have  been,  it  is  plain  that  these  visitations, 
coming  in  such  an  extraordinary  series,  would  be  to  the 
Hebrews  a  clear  sign  of  the  interposition  of  Jehovah,  while 
the  proud  Egyptians  would  be  humbled  by  these  events  and 
driven  to  allow  the  Hebrew  slaves  to  go  out  of  Egypt. 

48.    The  Passover  and  the  Exodus.     Associated  with  Eiod  12.  i  to 

,  .  13. 16 
the  exodus  from  Egypt  is  in  our  biblical  sources  the  insti- 
tution of  the  feast  of  the  Passover.  In  its  present  form 
it  contains  ritual  legislation  concerning  an  ecclesiastical 
institution  which  has  passed  through  various  stages  of 
development.  The  component  elements  of  the  fully  devel- 
oped Hebrew  festival  are  still  observable  and  consist  of: 
I.  The  slaying  and  eating  of  the  Passover  lamb.  This  is 
probably  the  earliest  element,  antedating  even  the  time  of 
Moses ;  for  it  is  apparently  to  celebrate  this  feast  that 
Moses  asks  the  permission  of  Pharaoh.  It  originated  prob- 
ably in  a  pastoral  custom  in  which  the  first-born  of  cattle 
was  the  victim  of  a  sacrificial  feast  at  springtime,  and  of 


^2  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

which  the  blood  was  used  as  a  uniting  and  protecting 
feature.  2.  The  feast  of  Unleavened  Bread  (Mazzoth). 
The  custom  of  eating  unleavened  bread  suggests  an  agri- 
cultural origin  of  this  feast,  as  of  a  harvest  festival,  like 
the  feast  of  "weeks,"  or  Pentecost,  and  the  feast  of  "In- 
gathering," or  Tabernacles,  with  both  of  which  feasts  the 
Passover  is  intimately  connected  in  the  legislation  (Exod 
23.  14-17),  and  to  which  the  ceremony  of  the  waving  of 
"the  sheaf  of  first  fruits"  (Lev  23.  9-12)  points.  3.  The 
feast  of  the  deliverance  from  Egypt.  This  constitutes  it  a 
historical  and  national  celebration  like  our  Fourth  of  July 
or  Independence  Day.  The  various  features  are  now  here 
combined :  the  Passover  lamb  with  the  last  plague  of  the 
slaying  of  the  first-born,  and  the  unleavened  bread  with 
the  haste  of  leaving  Egypt,  while  the  whole  is  interpreted 
historically.  In  this  manner  ancient  customs  of  varying 
origin  were  later  combined  and  stamped  with  fresh  and 
national  meaning. 

Exod  13. 17  to  49.  The  Crossing  of  the  Red  Sea.    The  account  of  the 

crossing  of  the  Red  Sea  ofifers  one  of  the  most  instructive 
examples  of  the  literary  combination  of  the  three  sources, 
their  respective  character,  and  their  value  for  determining 
the  historical  situation.  The  act  of  the  crossing  is  described 
in  Exod  14;  and  the  chapter  is  given  below  resolved  into 
its  component  parts  in  parallel  columns. 

P  J  E 

I  And  Jehovah  spake 
unto     Moses,     saying, 

2  Speak  unto  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel,  that  they 
turn  hack  and  encamp 
before  Pi-hahiroth,  be- 
tween Migdol  and  the 
sea,  before  Baal-zephon: 
over  against  it  shall  ye 
encamp     by     the     sea. 

3  And  Pharaoh  will  say 
of  the  children  of  Israel, 
They  are  entangled  in 
the  land,  the  wilderness 


15-  21 


MOSES 


73 


E 


hath  shut  them  in.  4 
And  I  will  harden 
Pharaoh's  heart,  and  he 
shall  follow  after  them; 
and  I  will  get  me  honor 
upon  Pharaoh,  and 
upon  all  his  host;  and 
the  Egyptians  shall 
know  that  I  am  Je- 
hovah.   A  nd  they  did  so. 


8  And 
Jehovah  hardened  the 
heart  of  Pharaoh  king  of 
Egypt,  and  he  pursued 
after  the  children  of  Is- 
rael: for  the  children  of 
Israel  went  out  with  a 
high  hand,  p  And  the 
Egyptians  pursued  after 
them,  all  the  horses  and 
chariots  of  Pharaoh,  and 
his  horsemen^  and  his 
army,  and  overtook 
them  encamping  by  the 
sea,  beside  Pi-hahiroth^ 
before  Baal-zephon. 


5  And  it  was  told  the 
king  of  Egypt  that  the 
people  were  fled:  and 
the  heart  of  Pharaoh 
and  of  his  servants  was 
changed  towards  the 
people,  and  they  said, 
What  is  this  we  have 
done,  that  we  let  Israel 
go    from    serving    us? 

6  And  he  made  ready 
his  chariot,  and  took  his 
people  with  him:  7  and 
he  took  six  hundred 
chosen  chariots,  and  all 
the  chariots  of  Egypt, 
and  captains  over  all  of 
them. 


10  And 
when  Pharaoh  drew 
nigh,  the  children  of  Is- 
rael lifted  up  their  eyes, 
and,  behold,  the  Egyp- 
tians were  marching 
after  them;  and  they 
were  sore  afraid: 

11  And 
they  said  unto  Moses, 
because   there   were   no 


and  the  children 
of  Israel  cried  out  unto 
Jehovah. 


;4 


OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 


E 


15     And  Jehovah  said 
unto  Moses, 

speak 
unto  the  children  of  Is- 
rael, that  they  go  for- 
ward. 

and  stretch 
out  thy  hand  over  the 
sea,  and  divide  it:  and 
the  children  of  Israel 
shall  go  into  the  midst 
of  the  sea  on  dry  ground. 
2/  And  I,  behold,  I 
will  harden  the  hearts 
of  the  Egyptians,  and 
they  shall  go  in  after 
them;  and  I  will  get 
me  honor  upon  Pha- 
raoh, and  upon  all  his 
host,  upon  his  chariots, 
and  upon  his  horsemen. 
18  And  the  Egyptians 
shall  know  that  I  am 
Jehovah,  when  I  have 
gotten  me  honor  upon 
Pharaoh,  upon  his  char- 


graves  in  Egypt,  hast 
thou  taken  us  away  to 
die  in  the  wilderness? 
wherefore  hast  thou  dealt 
thus  with  us,  to  bring  us 
forth  out  of  Egypt?  12 
Is  not  this  the  word  that 
we  spake  unto  thee  in 
Egypt,  saying.  Let  us 
alone,  that  we  may  serve 
the  Egyptians?  For  it 
were  better  for  us  to 
serve  the  Egyptians, 
than  that  we  should  die 
in  the  wilderness.  13 
And  Moses  said  unto 
the  people.  Fear  ye  not, 
stand  still,  and  see  the 
salvation  of  Jehovah, 
which  he  will  work  for 
you  to-day:  for  the 
Egyptians  whom  ye  have 
seen  to-day,  ye  shall 
see  them  again  no  more 
for  ever.  14  Jehovah 
will  fight  for  you,  and 
ye  shall  hold  your  peace. 


Where/,' 
criest  thou  unto  me? 


16  And 
lift  thou  up  thy  rod^ 


MOSES 


75 


tots,  and  upon  his  horse- 
men. 


21  And 
Moses  stretched  out  his 
hand  over  the  sea; 


And  the 
waters  were  divided.  22 
And  the  children  of  Is- 
rael went  into  the  midst 
of  the  sea  upon  the  dry 
ground:  and  the  waters 
were  a  wall  unto  them 
on  their  right  hand,  and 
on  their  left.  23  And 
the  Egyptians  pursued^ 
and  went  in  after  them 
into  the  midst  of  the  sea, 
all  Pharaoh's  horses,  his 
chariots,  and  his  horse- 
men. 


and  the  pillar  of  cloud 
removed  from  before 
them,  and  stood  behind 
them:  20  and  it  came 
between  the  camp  of 
Egypt  and  the  camp  of 
Israel;  and  there  was 
the  cloud  and  the  dark- 
ness, yet  gave  it  light 
by  night:  and  the  one 
came  not  near  the  other 
all  the  night. 

And  Je- 
hovah caused  the  sea  to 
go  BACK  by  a  strong 
east  wind  all  the  nighty 
and  made  the  sea  dry 
land. 


E 

19 

And  the  angel  of  God, 
who  went  before  the 
camp  of  Israel,  re- 
moved and  went  behind 
them: 


24  And 
it  came  to  pass  in  the 
morning  watch,  that  Je- 
hovah looked  forth  upon 
tJie  host  of  the  Egyptians 
through  the  pillar  of  fire 
and  of  cloud,  and  dis- 
comfited the  host  of  the 
Egyptians.  25  And  he 
took  off  their  chariot 
wheels,  and  they  drove 
them  heavily;  so  that  the 
Egyptians  said.  Let  us 
flee  from  the  face  of  Is- 


76 


OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 


26  And  Jehovah  said 
unto  Moses,  Stretch  out 
thy  hand  over  the  sea, 
that  the  waters  may 
come  again  upon  the 
Egyptians,  upon  their 
chariots,  and  upon  their 
horsemen.  27  And 
Moses  stretched  forth 
his  hand  over  the  sea, 


rael;  for  Jehovah  fight- 
eth  for  them  against  the 
Egyptians. 


and  the  sea  returned 
to  its  strength  when  the 
morning  appeared;  and 
the  Egyptians  fled 
against  it;  and  Jehovah 
overthrew  the  Egyptians 
in  the  midst  of  the  sea. 
28    And 

the  waters  returned,  and 

covered  the  chariots,  and 

the  horsemen,  even   all 

the  host  of  Pharaoh  that 

went  in  after  them  into 

the  sea;  and  there  re- 

mained  not  so  much  as 

one  of  them.      2Q  But 

the   children   of  Israel 

walked  upon  dry  land 

in  the  midst  of  the  sea; 

and  the  waters  were  a 

wall  unto  them  on  their 

right  hand,  and  on  their 

'«/^.  30  Thus 

Jehovah  saved  Israel 
that  day  out  of  the  hand 
of  the  Egyptians;  and 
Israel  saw  the  Egyp- 
tians dead  upon  the  sea- 
shore. 31  And  Israel 
saw  the  great  work 
which  Jehovah  did  upon 
the  Egyptians,  and  the 
people  feared  Jehovah: 
and  they  believed  in  Je- 
hovah, and  in  his  serv- 
ant Moses. 

The  above  analysis  makes  it  clear  that  J  and  P  each  have 
full  and  consistent  accounts  of  the  event  of  the  crossing 


MOSES  77 

of  the  sea;  and  that  while  the  account  of  E  is  but  very 
fragmentary,  it  contains  features  that  are  clearly  distinct 
from  those  of  the  others  and  characteristic  of  that  source. 
A  comparison  of  the  three  accounts  reveals  three  modes  of 
dealing  with  the  water  of  the  sea :  with  J  it  is  an  east  wind ; 
with  E  the  rod  of  Moses ;  and  with  P  the  outstretched  hand 
of  Moses.  In  the  place  of  the  "pillar  of  cloud"  in  J,  we 
find  "the  angel  of  God"  in  E.  The  latter  is  characteristic 
of  E,  who  elsewhere  also  introduces  the  intermediary 
appearances  of  angels;  while  characteristic  of  J  are  the 
anthropomorphisms,  according  to  which  Jehovah  looks  down 
from  the  cloud  upon  the  Egyptians  as  an  interested  spec- 
tator and  clogs  (by  a  slight  emendation  of  the  text  in  the 
place  of  "took  ofif")   their  chariot  wheels. 

But  most  striking  is  the  difference  in  the  whole  aspect 
of  the  situation  between  J  and  P  in  regard  to  the  under- 
lying motive  in  the  miracle.  According  to  P,  the  whole 
Egyptian  situation  is  brought  to  a  climactic  point  by  the 
direct  agency  of  God,  resulting  in  the  entire  destruction 
of  Pharaoh  and  all  his  host,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  for 
himself  honor  upon  Pharaoh.  To  this  end  Jehovah  pur- 
posely hardens  Pharaoh's  heart;  and,  accordingly,  Israel 
goes  out  of  Egypt  in  defiant  rebellion,  "with  a  high  hand." 
Jehovah  thus  drives  the  Egyptians  to  the  pursuit  of  Israel, 
who  are  located  most  conveniently  to  produce  a  marked 
dramatic  effect  in  the  scene.  When  Israel  reaches  the  sea 
the  outstretched  hand  of  Moses  divides  it,  allowing  them 
to  cross  on  dry  ground,  while  the  waters  form  walls  on 
either  side  of  them.  But  when  the  Egyptians  are  in  the 
midst  of  the  sea  Moses  again  stretches  out  his  hand,  and  the 
watery  walls  collapse  upon  the  Egyptians. 

But,  according  to  J,  the  Israelites  flee  out  of  Egypt  and 
are  in  great  terror  of  the  Egyptians,  and  chide  Aloses  for 
having  brought  them  into  this  dangerous  dilemma.  But 
Jehovah  brings  about  their  rescue  by  letting  an  east  wind 
blow  all  night,  which  drives  back  the  waters  of  the  sea, 


78  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

allowing  them  to  pass  over.  But  the  chariots  of  the  pur- 
suing Egyptians  stick  fast  in  the  muddy  bottom  of  the  sea ; 
with  the  change  of  the  wind  the  waters  return,  a  panic 
ensues,  and  the  Egyptians  are  drowned. 

Of  course  in  the  main  features  the  accounts  agree;  and 
in  both  of  them  the  crossing  is  miraculous.  But  in  J  it 
is  what  may  be  called  a  providential  miracle,  caused  by  a 
natural  occurrence  coming  at  a  most  critical  time;  while 
in  P  it  is  a  direct  act  of  Jehovah.  Chapter  15  contains  a 
poetic  account  of  the  same  event,  probably  earlier  than 
the  prose  accounts;  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  P's  walls 
of  water  may  be  traced  back  to  the  poetic  phraseology  of 
verse  8 : 

And  with  the  blast  of  thy  nostrils  the  waters  were  piled  up. 

The  Hoods  stood  upright  as  a  heap ; 

The  deeps  were  congealed  in  the  heart  of  the  sea. 

50.  The  Historical  Situation.  The  nature  of  the  sources 
suggests  the  difficulty  of  arriving  at  the  exact  historical 
circumstances.  The  sea  that  the  Hebrews  crossed  it  is 
generally  supposed  was  the  Gulf  of  Suez;  but  the  exact 
place  of  the  crossing  can  no  longer  be  determined.  It  is 
claimed  that  at  some  early  period  the  Mediterranean  and 
the  Red  Sea  were  naturally  connected  as  they  now  are 
artificially  by  the  Suez  Canal;  and  that  at  the  time  of  the 
Hebrews'  crossing  the  Gulf  extended  farther  north,  even 
as  far  as  the  Bitter  Lakes.  If  we  knew  exactly  the  width 
and  depth  of  the  part  of  the  Sea  that  the  Hebrews  crossed, 
it  would  make  the  task  of  the  historian  considerably 
easier. 

Following  our  earliest  source  (J),  we  may  suppose  the 
event  somewhat  as  follows:  There  were  two  ways  leading 
out  of  Goshen  to  Palestine  (Exod  13.  i/f),  one  known 
as  *'the  way  of  the  land  of  the  Philistines,"  leading  in 
northeasternly  direction  along  the  coast  to  Gaza;  and  the 
other,  known  as  "the  way  of  the  wilderness  by  the  Red  Sea," 


MOSES  79 

leading  in  southeasternly  direction  over  Suez  and  Akabah. 
The  second  route  was  the  less  frequented,  and  more  suit- 
able for  Israel's  purpose.  The  Hebrew  fugitives  had  evi- 
dently succeeded  in  passing  the  Egyptian  eastern  fortifica- 
tions of  ''the  Wall  of  the  Princes,"  when  their  further 
progress  was  hindered  by  the  sea.  But  during  the  night  a 
strong  wind  drove  back  the  shallow  waters  sufificiently  to 
allow  the  Israelites  to  ford  them.  But  when  the  Egyptians, 
having  become  aware  of  the  flight  of  their  subjects,  at- 
tempted to  follow  them,  they  were  defeated  by  the  return 
of  the  waters  of  the  sea. 

The  historical  character  of  the  deliverance  is  confirmed 
by  the  short  and  simple  poetic  utterance  of  Exod  15.  21 
(compare  14.  26)  : 

Leader:  "Sing  to  Jehovah,  for  he  exalted  himself  highly; 

People:   Horses  and  chariots        he  cast  into  the  sea." 

The  verse  bears  an  antique  character,  and  originated  con- 
temporaneously in  the  recitative  repetition,  accompanied  by 
dance,  and  continuing  in  Oriental  fashion  for  hours,  until 
enthusiasm  ends  in  the  exhaustion  of  leader  and  chorus. 
In  contrast  with  it,  the  longer  poem  in  15.  1-18  belongs  to 
a  later  time. 

In  some  remarkable  manner,  and  in  a  most  critical  period 
of  their  history,  Jehovah  had  come  to  their  aid;  and  it 
was  to  be  remembered  in  all  ages  to  come  as  the  day  in 
which  Jehovah  brought  salvation  to  his  people  Israel.  It 
is  probable  that  as  time  elapsed  the  event  grew  into  greater 
significance.  For  it  was  the  beginning  of  Hebrew  national 
history  as  much  as  the  signing  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  was  the  beginning  of  the  American  Republic. 
It  may  relatively  have  been  but  a  small  aflfair,  but  its 
potentialities  that  future  history  revealed  mark  it  as  an 
epoch  in  Hebrew  history,  the  value  of  which  cannot  be 
overestimated;  for  it  was  nothing  short  of  the  birthday  of 
the  Hebrew  nation — but  it  was  only  the  birthday ! 


8o 


OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 


SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Mark  in  your  Bible  the  subject  of  this  section  with  its  sub- 
divisions, according  to  the  textbook. 

2.  Compare  the  Hebrew  and  American  emancipations  relating  to 
(i)  the  oppression,  (2)  the  leadership,  and  (3)  the  festal  day 
celebrating  it. 

3.  Compare  the  call  of  Moses  with  that  of  other  prophets  (Isa  6) 
and  note  the  differences  and  underlying  agreements. 

4.  Incorporate  in  your  Bible  the  analysis  of  the  account  of  the 
crossing  of  the  Red  Sea. 

5.  Make  a  brief  outline  of  the  historical  events. 


2.    The  Life  in  the  Desert 


Ezod  15.  22  to  18 


51.  The  Biblical  Data.  The  materials  for  constructing 
a  history  of  Israel's  life  in  the  wilderness  are  scanty  and 
scattered.  Most  of  the  stories  given  us  are  from  P,  the 
priestly  historian.  Here  we  find  elaborate  accounts  of  the 
tabernacle  (Exod  25  to  31;  35  to  40),  laws  as  to  priests 
and  worship  (entire  book  of  Leviticus),  and  a  highly 
artificial  organization  of  the  tribes,  with  an  extensive  list 
of  encampments  (Num  i  to  10.  29).  We  need  simply  to 
remember  that  this  source  is  one  of  the  very  latest,  and 
that  it  is  the  point  of  view  of  this  writer  to  put  back  into 
the  earliest  days  the  institutions  and  customs  of  his  own 
time.  The  Hsts  of  stopping  places,  even  if  based  on  early 
sources,  are  of  Httle  value,  as  they  can  no  longer  be 
identified. 

52.  The  Provisions  of  the  Desert.  The  vital  question 
in  the  wilderness  is  whence  to  obtain  water  and  food; 
and  a  number  of  the  stories  deal  with  this  theme. 

At  Mara  the  spring  was  brackish,  but  became  sweet; 
at  Elim  they  found  a  rich  oasis ;  the  springs  of  Massah  and 
Meribah  are  to  be  identified  with  those  of  Kadesh  (com- 
pare Exod  17.  1-7  and  Num  20.  1-13). 

The   manna  and   the   quails  provided   bread   and   meat. 

i3%8-24a,' 3I-3S   The  quail  is  a  migratory  bird,  well  known  in  the  Sinaitic 

peninsula  and  all  along  the  Mediterranean  shores.     Quails 


Exod  15.  22-26 


Exod  16.  x-3S; 
Num  II.  4-10, 


MOSES  8i 

migrate  in  vast  flocks,  fly  low  and  mostly  with  the  wind; 
their  wings  are  too  light  for  their  bodies,  and  they  become 
easily  exhausted,  and  fall  a  ready  prey  to  man.  There  are 
two  products  of  the  Arabian  Desert  of  which  one  or  the 
other  may  be  what  is  described  as  the  manna  of  the  Bible. 
One  is  the  exudation  of  the  tamarisk  tree,  which  is  of  the 
consistency  of  wax,  melts  in  the  sun,  is  white  in  color,  and 
tastes  like  honey.  The  other  is  a  lichen,  which  forms  as  a 
crust  on  stones,  then  rolls  back  and  loosens,  so  that  it  is 
sometimes  driven  by  the  wind,  sometimes  washed  by  the 
rain  into  heaps;  its  size  varies  from  a  pea  to  a  hazel  nut; 
it  is  white  in  color,  and,  though  dry  and  insipid  in  taste, 
is  ground  like  corn,  and  baked  into  a  sort  of  bread.  Both 
these  products  meet  with  the  requirements  of  the  biblical 
manna. 

It  is  an  error,  however,  to  think  of  the  Israelites  as 
constantly  upon  the  march  or  as  depending  simply  upon 
such  sources  of  food.  They  had  their  flocks  and  herds 
(Exod  12.  ^2),  which  gave  them  milk  and  butter,  and 
occasionally  meat.  For  these  they  needed  pasture  and 
water.  It  is  not  probable,  therefore,  that  the  Hebrews 
could  roam  for  any  length  of  time  far  away  from  pasture 
lands ;  and  it  is  altogether  probable  that,  with  the  exception 
of  some  journeys  of  no  great  distance,  they  resided  at  least 
for  a  generation  in  the  fertile  region  of  Kadesh,  following 
there  a  semiagricultural  mode  of  life. 

53.  The  Hebrev^r  Residence  at  Kadesh.  The  char- 
acter of  Kadesh  and  Israel's  residence  there  are  character- 
istically overshadowed  by  the  stories  of  the  miraculous 
supply  of  provision ;  but  for  historical  purposes  they  are  of 
far  greater  importance.  The  biblical  tradition,  however, 
itself  supplies  us  with  hints  of  this  importance.  For  it  is 
evident  that  Exod  17.  1-7  and  Num  20.  1-13  are  but  duplicate 
versions  of  an  etymological  story  of  the  name  of  the  place 
Meribah,  found  as  Aleribath  (or  Meriboth)  Kadesh  in  Num 
2y.  14;  Deut  ^2.  51;  (33.  2,  where  "the  ten  thousands  of 


82  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

holy  ones"  is  a  mistranslation  of  an  original  Meribath- 
Kadesh)  ;  Ezek  48.  28;  and  some  of  the  most  important 
incidents  of  the  wilderness  period  are  associated  with  it. 

Kadesh  is  now  commonly  identified  with  Ain  Kades, 
fifty  miles  south  of  Beersheba.  Near  it  are  two  other 
springs,  a  richer  one,  Ain  El-Kederat,  probably  to  be  identi- 
fied with  the  older  Meribah,  and  a  weaker  one,  Ain  Kuseme, 
perhaps  Mara,  making  the  region  about  Kadesh  the  richest 
in  water  of  the  whole  Sinaitic  peninsula.  The  whole  dis- 
trict is  now  in  the  hands  of  the  warlike  Azazime  Bedouins, 
who  seek  to  keep  travelers  in  ignorance  of  it.  It  was  first 
discovered  by  Rowlands,  an  English  explorer,  and  revisited 
by  an  American  traveler,  Henry  Clay  Trumbull,  who  was 
the  editor  of  the  Sunday  School  Times,  of  Philadelphia, 
in  1 88 1,  who  gives  the  following  graphic  description  of  it: 

It  was  a  marvelous  sight !  Out  of  the  barren  and  desolate  stretch 
of  the  burning  desert-waste  we  had  come  with  magical  suddenness 
into  an  oasis  of  verdure  and  beauty,  unlooked  for  and  hardly  con- 
ceivable in  such  a  region.  A  carpet  of  grass  covered  the  ground. 
Fig  trees,  laden  with  fruit  nearly  ripe  enough  for  eating,  were  along 
the  shelter  of  the  southern  hillside.  Shrubs  and  flowers  showed 
themselves  in  variety  and  profusion.  Running  water  gurgled  under 
the  waving  grass.  ...  A  circular  well,  stoned  up  from  the  bottom 
with  time-worn  limestone  blocks,  was  the  first  receptacle  of  the 
water.  ...  A  little  distance  westerly  from  this  well,  and  down  the 
slope,  was  a  second  well,  stoned  up  much  like  the  first,  but  of 
greater  diameter.  ...  A  basin  or  pool  of  water  larger  than  either 
of  the  wells,  but  not  stoned  up  like  them,  was  seemingly  the  principal 
watering  place.  It  was  a  short  distance  southwesterly  from  the 
second  well,  and  it  looked  as  if  it  and  the  two  wells  might  be 
supplied  from  the  same  subterranean  source — the  springs  under  the 
Rock.  .  .  .  Another  and  yet  larger  pool,  lower  down  the  slope,  was 
supplied  with  water  by  a  stream  which  rippled  and  cascaded  along 
its  narrow  bed  from  the  upper  pool ;  and  yet  beyond  this,  westward, 
the  water  gurgled  away  under  the  grass,  as  we  had  met  it  when  we 
came  in,  and  finally  lost  itself  in  the  parching  wady  from  which 
this  oasis  opened.  The  water  itself  was  remarkably  pure  and  sweet ; 
unequaled  by  any  we  had  found  after  leaving  the  Nile"  (Trumbull, 
Kadesh-Barnea,  pp.  2'/2ff.), 


MOSES  83 

Judging  from  this  description,  it  was  a  region  well  suited 
to  serve  Israel,  if  it  did  not  number  over  five  thousand 
persons,  as  a  place  where  they  might  find,  for  a  time  at 
least,  sustenance  and  a  residence  for  the  development  of 
the  intermediate  stage  between  Egypt  and  Canaan. 

54.  War  with  Amalek  at   Rephidim.     It   is   possible  e^°<*  ^7-  8-16 
that  it  was  for  the  possession  of  this  desirable  spot  that 

the  Israelites  had  to  fight  with  the  Amalekites,  who  appear 
as  a  people  of  the  region  between  Kadesh  and  Beersheba, 
and  specially  unfriendly  to  Israel  (confer  Num  24.  20). 
Exod  17.  8-16  seems  a  combination  of  an  etymological 
story,  accounting  for  the  name  of  Rephidim,  meaning  ''sup- 
port," and  a  cultic  story,  accounting  for  the  existence  of  an 
altar  and  the  sacred  symbol  of  the  wonder-working  rod, 
both  of  which  are  combined  in  the  name  ''Jehovah-nissi," 
meaning,  ''Jehovah  is  my  banner-staff,"  and  which  was 
perpetuated  in  what  appears  as  a  war  cry : 

"Hand  at  the  banner-staff  of  Jehovah; 
Jehovah  fights  with  Amalek  from  generation  to  generation." 

55.  The  Judicial  Organization.     The  biblical  tradition  ^^^^  ^^-  '-27; 
furnishes   in   the    form   of    a    family    story   the    origin    of    14.17, 24b-3o 
Israel's    judicial    organization    prior    to    their    entry    into 

Canaan.  The  scene  of  the  story  is  laid  near  the  mount  of 
God,  that  is,  Horeb-Sinai,  and  consists  of  an  account  of  a 
visit  of  Jethro,  the  Midianite,  Moses's  father-in-law.  There 
are  many  details  in  the  story  which  are  obscure;  but  one 
important  point  is  clear,  namely,  it  expresses  the  conscious- 
ness of  Israel's  indebtedness  to  the  ]\Iidianites  regarding 
fundamentals  in  their  political  and  religious  organization; 
for  though  the  story  is  considerably  softened  down  to 
avoid  offense,  Jethro  is  yet  the  teacher  of  Moses. 

We  may  still  discern  the  double  and  yet  distinct  functions 
of  Moses  as  priest  and  judge.  It  would  seem  that  hitherto 
Moses  himself  had  acted  as  the  sole  judge,  which  is  an 
interesting  indication  of  the  relatively  small  number  of  the 


84  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

Israelites;  but  now  he  receives  assistants.  Only  the  ''hard 
causes,"  according  to  the  story,  are  now  brought  to  Moses, 
who  brings  them  unto  God,  by  which  we  must  understand 
that  they  were  decided  by  the  use  of  the  oracular  lot,  the 
Urim  and  Thummim.  The  manipulation  of  the  sacred  lot 
was  a  priest's  function,  and  was  carried  on  in  connection 
with  the  sanctuary  (see  Section  65).  The  other  cases  were 
decided  by  appointed  officials,  chieftains  who  were  laymen. 
In  the  account  of  Numbers  these  officials  are  described  as 
being  made  fit  for  their  function  by  being  endowed  with 
the  Spirit  of  God.  This  indicates  the  existence  of  two 
distinct  classes  of  public  functionaries,  namely,  the  priest 
and  prophet.  The  priest  was  guided  by  the  use  of  material, 
or  ritual  means,  omens  of  various  kinds,  and  particularly 
the  sacred  lot;  the  prophet  was  in  more  direct  touch  with 
God,  and  saw  his  will  in  dreams  and  visions,  or,  as  in  the 
case  of  Moses,  had  God  speaking  with  him  ''face  to  face"; 
in  other  words,  the  means  were  psychological,  or  spiritual. 

The  subsequent  religious  history  of  Israel  into  New 
Testament  times  is  pervaded  by  conflicts  between  the  ideals 
of  these  two  classes;  and  we  may  find  traces  of  these 
conflicts  already  in  the  stories  of  early  times.  Of  some 
such  nature  appears  to  be  the  conflict  between  Aaron  and 
Num  12  Miriam  and   Moses,  although  the  exact  point  is  not  al- 

together clear.  Of  similar  character  is  the  rebellion  of 
Dathan  and  Abiram  against  Moses,  with  which  is  inter- 
woven an  account  of  the  rebellion  of  Korah  against  Moses 
and  Aaron. 

56.  The  Location  of  Horeb-Sinai.  The  destination  of 
the  tribes  in  starting  from  Egypt  was  evidently  the  "moun- 
tain of  Jehovah,"  called  Sinai  by  J  and  P  (Exod  19.  11, 
18,  20),  and  Horeb  by  E  (Exod  3.  i;  18.  5).  Three 
possible  sites  have  been  suggested:  i.  In  the  southern 
end  of  the  Sinaitic  peninsula,  where  there  are  two  peaks, 
eight  thousand  or  nine  thousand  feet  high,  known  as  Jebel 
Musa   and   Jebel    Serbal.      But   in    this    region    were   the 


MOSES  85 

Egyptian  mines,  protected  by  the  government.  Further- 
more, this  section  of  the  country  was  barren,  and  for  these 
reasons  the  site  does  not  commend  itself  as  probable.  2.  One 
of  the  peaks  of  Mount  Seir,  east  of  the  eastern  prong  of 
the  Red  Sea,  the  Gulf  of  Akabah.  In  favor  of  this  site  is 
quoted  Judg  5.  4f.,  which  connects  Sinai  with  the  moun- 
tains of  Edom.  3.  Mount  Araif,  one  of  the  mountains  in 
the  desert  southwest  of  Edom,  near  Kadesh.  This  site  is 
supported  by  Deut  ^^.  2 ;  Hab  3.  3a ;  and  would  accord  also 
with  the  reference  to  the  mountains  of  Edom  in  Judg 
5.  4f.  It  would  suit  also  best  the  expression  "three  days' 
journey  in  the  wilderness"  (Exod  8.  27),  although  it  is  in 
any  case  only  general. 

The  last  view  commends  itself  also  on  account  of  the 
fact  that  many  of  the  events  of  the  wilderness  residence 
taking  place  in  Horeb-Sinai  and  Kadesh  are  so  inter- 
mixed as  to  find  the  best  explanation  in  the  proximity  of 
these  two  places.  This  nearness  stands  out  clearly  in  the 
corrected  text  of  Deut  33.  2 : 

Jehovah  came  from  Sinai, 

He  rose  from  Seir  unto  them; 

He  shined  forth  from  mount  Paran, 

And  he  came   from   Meribath-Kadesh. 

In  this  passage  Sinai,  Seir,  Paran,  and  Meribath-Kadesh 
are  synonymous  of  Jehovah's  residence,  and  present  a 
strong  argument  for  the  third  site. 

The  political  and  religious  organization  of  the  tribes  of 
the  desert  period  took  place  during  their  long  residence  at 
Kadesh,  and  much  of  what  has  occurred  there  has  by  a 
later  tradition  been  transferred  to  Horeb-Sinai,  which 
might  be  all  the  easier  done  if  the  two  places  were  near 
each  other.  It  would  thus  appear  that  the  destination  of 
the  tribes  in  leaving  Egypt  was  Horeb-Sinai  and  Kadesh, 
the  region  south  of  Palestine,  where  they  might  unite  with 
friendly  tribes  like  the  Midianites  and  with  those  of  their 


1 8-2 1 


86  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

own  nearer  kindred  that  had  remained  there  from  patri- 
archal times. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Examine  the  biblical  data  with  view  to  ascertain  whether  the 
Hebrew  life  in  the  desert  was  nomadic  or  semi-nomadic,  roaming 
or  settled. 

2.  Trace  on  a  map  the  possible  routes  from  Egypt  to  Palestine, 
note  the  location  and  character  of  Kadesh,  and  examine  the  possible 
sites  of  Horeb-Sinai. 

3.  Endeavor  to  form  a  picture  of  the  Hebrew  community  life  in 
the  desert,  as  to  numbers,  organization,  and  methods  of  subsistence. 

3.   The  Religion  of  the  Time  of  Moses 

Exod  19;  30.  57.    The  Covenant  at  Horeb-Sinai.     Horeb-Sinai  was 

the  seat  of  Jehovah;  it  was  here  that  Moses  had  learned 
of  him  when  he  was  among  the  Midianites;  and  it  is  to 
this  mount  that  he  brought  the  Israelites  to  enter  into 
covenant  relations  to  him.  It  is  here  that  Jehovah  became 
the  God  of  Israel,  and  Israel  the  people  of  Jehovah.  This 
essential  fact  is  the  basis  of  the  remarkable  dramatic  repre- 
sentation in  the  biblical  sources.  From  behind  all  the  many 
figures  of  speech  we  may  discern  two  things :  that  Jehovah 
had  manifested  his  claim  to  Israel  by  what  he  had  done 
for  them  by  delivering  them  from  the  Egyptian  bondage 
and  pursuit;  and  that  Israel's  part  involved  the  moral 
obligation  to  be  true  to  him.  All  of  this  is  summarized  in 
the  beautiful  statement:  "Ye  have  seen  what  I  did  unto 
the  Egyptians,  and  how  I  bare  you  on  eagles'  wings,  and 
brought  you  unto  myself.  Nozv,  therefore,  if  ye  will  obey 
my  voice  indeed,  and  keep  my  covenant,  then  ye  shall  be 
my  own  possession  from  among  all  peoples"  (Exod  19.  4f ). 
But  we  shall  fail  to  apprehend  the  significance  of  this 
historical  movement  if  we  interpret  it  so  as  to  regard  it  as 
the  result  of  only  a  single  formal  act  within  a  brief  space  of 
time;  it  was  through  a  process  of  training,  gradual  and 
lengthy,    that    the    consciousness    of    this    mutual    relation 


MOSES  87 

asserted  itself;  and  Israel's  residence  at  Horeb-Sinai  was 
simply  the  first  stage  of  this  process. 

58.  The  Hebrew  Pre-Mosaic  Religion.  The  biblical 
tradition  clearly  makes  Moses  Israel's  discoverer  of 
Jehovah  and  the  medium  by  whom  Jehovah  becomes  the 
God  of  Israel.  What  the  religious  conceptions  of  the  tribes 
were  prior  to  Moses  is  no  longer  clearly  discernible,  for  the 
superior  force  of  the  Jehovah  religion  drove  the  other 
from  the  field.  Arguing  from  analogy  of  the  growth  of 
religions  in  general  and  the  primitive  stages  of  other  Semitic 
religions,  it  has  been  concluded  that  the  religion  of  Jehovah 
was  preceded  among  the  Hebrews  by  the  various  stages 
of  animism,  fetichism,  and  ancestor  worship;  but  these 
manifestations  lie  far  back  of  the  historical  period.  It 
appears  more  probable  that  what  immediately  preceded  the 
religion  of  Moses  was  a  polytheistic  nature  religion  in 
which  the  divinity  bore  the  designation  of  EL  For  a 
cuneiform  tablet  recently  found  at  Boghazkoi,  in  Asia 
Minor,  speaks  of  Hani  habiri,  "the  gods  of  the  Hebrews," 
and  the  Genesis  stories  contain  numerous  names  com- 
pounded with  El,  as  Beth-el,  El-olam  (21.  33) ;  El-roi 
(16.  13);  El-pachad  (31.  42,  53);  El-shaddai  (49.  25; 
Num  24.  4,  16)  ;  and  compare  also  El-el j on  (Num  24.  16) 
and  El-berith  (Judg  9.  46).  And  not  only  was  Israel's 
national  name  compounded  with  it,  as  Isra-el,  but  there  is 
monumental  evidence  for  original  forms  of  Isaac-el,  Jacob- 
el,  and  Joseph-el.  There  is  evidence  also  that  these  Elhn 
were  already  conceived  as  individual  deities,  dwelling  at 
fountains,  trees,  on  mountains,  or  in  sanctuaries  consist- 
ing of  simple  stone  altars,  rude  stone  pillars  (mazzeboth), 
and  approached  with  offerings  of  animal  sacrifices. 

59.  The  Enthronment  of  Jehovah.  But  when  Jehovah 
became  the  God  of  Israel  at  Horeb-Sinai  and  Kadesh  he 
suffered  no  other  god  beside  him ;  and  Israel  learned  the 
first  lesson  in  what  has  not  inaptly  been  called  the  intoler- 
ance  of    Jehovah,    ultimately    its    highest    contribution    to 


88  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

religious  truth,  as  expressed  in  its  fundamental  confession: 
''Hear,  O  Israel,  Jehovah  our  God,  Jehovah  is  One"  (Deut 
6.  4).  IMoses  had  first  himself  come  in  touch  with  him 
at  Horeb-Sinai  among  the  Midianites.  With  the  enthusiasm 
of  a  young  convert  he  had  inspired  his  discouraged  and 
oppressed  brethren  to  the  venture  of  a  flight  to  him;  in  a 
great  crisis  he  had  shown  himself  worthy  of  the  confidence; 
and  now  in  the  precincts  of  his  dwelling  place,  the  mount 
of  Jehovah,  they  bound  themselves  with  others  to  acknowl- 
edge him  as  their  only  God.  That  this  act  of  the  acceptance 
of  Jehovah  was  accompanied  by  the  enthusiasm  of  a  first 
religious  experience,  a  genuine  religious  revival,  we  may 
well  suppose;  and  we  can  appreciate  the  aptness  of  the 
prophets'  figure  of  speech,  which  compares  those  "days  of 
her  youth"  to  the  wooing  of  lovers  (Hos  2,  14-16;  Jer  2.  2). 
But  if  we  would  correctly  realize  the  content  of  Israel's 
conception  of  Jehovah  in  those  early  days,  we  must  not 
neglect  the  perspective  of  history.  These  were  days  of 
earliest  beginnings,  first  lessons.  The  time  was  yet  far 
distant  when  it  would  be  said,  ''God  is  a  Spirit,  and  those 
that  worship  him  must  worship  him  in  spirit  and  truth." 
It  is  possible  that  Jehovah  was  thought  of  in  connection  with 
a  volcanic  mountain,  whose  symbols  were  the  pillar  of 
cloud  by  day  and  the  pillar  of  fire  by  night,  terrible  to 
behold  or  to  approach.  The  earth  melts  under  his  tread, 
and  fire  devours  his  adversaries.  The  storms  with  thunders 
and  lightnings  and  earthquakes  are  his  common  manifesta- 
tion. But  he  is  also  already  the  God  who  moves  in  history, 
and  can  come  to  the  help  of  those  who  belong  to  him.  He 
is  a  God  who  makes  moral  demands,  and  social  law  and 
order  are  under  his  sanction. 
Exod  24;  31. 18;  60.  The  Legislation  at  Horeb-Sinai.  It  has  already 
34.  i-sa,  27, 28  ifQQxi  pointed  out  (Section  6)  that  the  biblical  material  for 
this  period  in  its  present  form  contains  seven  distinct  codes 
of  law.  All  these  laws  are  referred  by  the  later  writers  to 
Moses,  and  many  of  them  to  this  occasion  at  Horeb-Sinai. 


MOSES  89 

Archaeological  discoveries  show  that  many  of  these  laws 
existed  long  before  this  with  the  Babylonians  and  Egyptians. 
Others  came  with  Israel's  own  experience,  and  the  story  of 
Jethro  shows  how  Israel  profited  by  such  experience.  In 
all  this  there  is  nothing  inconsistent  with  Israel's  own 
conviction  that  these  rules  were  for  her  the  voice  of  Jehovah, 
whatever  the  source  through  which  they  came.  Nor  is 
there  sufficient  ground  for  denying  that  the  first  great 
expression  of  these  laws  for  Israel  was  by  the  inspired 
wisdom  of  Moses.  It  is  no  longer  possible  to  determine 
exactly  which  parts  go  back  to  his  time ;  but  that  Moses  was 
a  legislator  is  the  uniform  ancient  tradition,  and  has  become 
increasingly  probable  by  the  finds  of  the  high  state  of 
civilization  with  which  he  was  surrounded. 

61.  The  Origin  of  Hebrew  Law.  The  origin  of  Hebrew 
civil  law  may  still  be  traced.  As  difficulties  arose  between 
parties,  their  disputes  were  settled  by  judges  whose  deci- 
sions became  precedents.  These  were  first  transmitted 
orally,  but  later  codified.  Religious  laws,  arising  from 
abuses,  had  a  similar  origin  and  history,  for  ancient  history 
knows  no  distinction  between  secular  and  religious,  and 
the  law  codes  comprehend  both. 

It  would  appear  that  the  community  life  of  the  tribes 
around  Kadesh  was  most  probably  semiagricultural,  which 
would  also  account  for  their  gradual  advances  into  Pales- 
tine, when  Kadesh  became  too  restricted  for  their  growing 
numbers.  It  is  the  nature  of  the  life  at  Kadesh  that  gives 
the  clue  to  the  content  of  the  legislation  of  this  period.  A 
semiagricultural  community  cannot  live  long  without  civil, 
moral,  as  well  as  religious  laws. 

62.  The  Decalogue.    It  is  altogether  probable  that  the  Exod  ao.  1-17; 
Decalogue  in  a  primitive  and  simpler  form  belongs  to  the  Deuts.  6-ai 
Mosaic  period.     Omitting  the  elements  which  differ  in  the 

two  rescensions  in  Exodus  and  Deuteronomy,  and  what 
appear  as  other  later  accretions,  the  Decalogue  consisted  of 
brief  words  easy  of  oral  transmission  or  written  on  stone: 


90  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

1.  I,  Jehovah,  am  thy  God;  thou  shalt  have  no  other  gods. 

2.  Thou  shalt  not  make  a  divine  image. 

3.  Thou  shalt  not  take  the  name  of  Jehovah  in  vain. 

4.  Remember  the  Sabbath  day  to  keep  it  holy. 

5.  Honor  thy  father  and  thy  mother. 

6.  Thou  shalt  not  kill. 

7.  Thou  shalt  not  commit  adultery. 

8.  Thou  shalt  not  steal. 

9.  Thou  shalt  not  bear  false  witness. 
10,  Thou  shalt  not  covet. 

The  first  commandment  inculcates  the  intolerance  of 
Jehovah,  which  is  a  characteristic  of  the  Hebrew  religion ; . 
and  its  early  appearance  becomes  all  the  more  compre- 
hensible if  the  covenant  with  Jehovah  involved  the  dis- 
carding of  the  former  gods.  The  second  commandment 
brings  out  another  characteristic  of  Jehovah  religion,  its 
imageless  character,  and  accords  with  the  simplicity  of 
desert  life.  The  third  commandment  appears  directed 
against  the  misuse  of  Jehovah's  name  in  the  common  magic 
rites.  The  Sabbath  day  has  an  ancient  origin  and  history, 
and  its  early  appearance  in  Hebrew  life  is  quite  probable. 
The  other  commandments  comport  with  the  requirements  of 
even  the  simplest  community  life.  But  it  is  possible  that 
the  seventh  commandment  has  its  origin  in  the  cultic  orgies, 
accompanied  by  sexual  license,  associated  with  the  religion 
of  Israel's  neighbors,  with  which  Israel  had  coine  in  con- 
tact in  earHest  history,  as  is  witnessed  by  the  stories  of  the 
Exod32. 1-35;  golden  calf  and  Baal-Peor.  It  would  seem  that  some  of 
fi""?-!!^'  '"'^'  the  prohibitions  of  the  social  code  (Deut  27.  15-26)  have 
a  similar  purpose. 

63.  The  Ritual  Code  and  the  Book  of  the  Covenant. 
There  are  elements  in  the  ritual  code  and  the  Book  of  the 
Covenant  (Section  6)  whose  origin  in  Mosaic  times  is 
generally  assumed ;  but  to  much  the  objection  has  been  raised 
that  it  presupposes  an  agricultural  and  settled  background. 
It  is  true  that  the  latter  code  reflects  a  considerably  ad- 
vanced state  of  society ;  but  when  the  semiagricultural  mode 


31. 1-12 


MOSES  91 

of  life  at  Kadesh  is  recognized  more  of  that  code  will  find 
a  suitable  origin  in  Mosaic  times. 

64.  The  Ark  of  Jehovah.     Among  the  sacred  objects  Exod  25.  10-23 
of  the  religious  cult  of  Mosaic  times  the  chief  place  was 

occupied  by  the  Ark  of  Jehovah.  Its  original  signification 
most  probably  was  the  throne  of  Jehovah.  The  cover  of 
the  ark,  which  was  simply  a  wooden  box,  consisted  of  two 
winged  creatures,  cherubim,  plainly  carved;  and  judging 
from  the  expression  "Jehovah  of  hosts,  who  is  enthroned 
on  the  Cherubim"  (i  Sam  4.  4),  Jehovah  was  considered 
as  seated  on  the  cherubim.  When  Israel  was  on  the  march 
or  in  war,  the  ark  led  the  way;  on  starting,  a  refrain  formed 
the  signal: 

"Arise,  Jehovah,  that  thy  enemies  flee, 
And  those  who  hate  thee  scatter," 

and  on  the  return  to  the  camp,  "Be  seated,  Jehovah,  by  the  Num  10.  35'. 
tribes  of  Israel." 

65.  The  Tent  of  Meeting.     When   in  camp   the  ark   Exod  33. 7-"; 
resided  in  a  sacred  tent,  known  as  the  "tent  of  meeting,"   j,"™^'  ^'  ^'^^ 
which  P  has  described  as  a  most  gorgeous  sanctuary  (Exod 

25^.),  highly  idealized.     It  was  probably  at  this  time  only 
a    simple   tent,    distinguished    from   others   by   its   central 
position    (Num   2.    17)  ;   and   thither   the   people   went   to 
"inquire  of  Jehovah,"  that  is,  to  consult  the  divine  oracle. 
It  is  most  probable  that  this  oracle  consisted  of  two  sacred 
stones,    Urim   and    Thummini,    which   were   used   as   lots, 
representing  yea  and  nay,  and  which  were  manipulated  by 
means  of  a  linen  garment  or  pocket,  called  Epliod.     It  has 
been   suggested  that  associated  with   the   oracle  were  the 
Teraphim,  connected  with  the  "veil"  of  Moses,  which  the   Exod  34. 29-35 
latter  wore  when  representing  Jehovah,  and  being  origin- 
ally a  covering  or  mask  by  which  the  functionary  at  the 
oracle  represented  the  divinity.     It  is  possible  that  behind   Num    17.    i-n; 
the  stories  of  the  wonder-working  rod  of  Moses  and  Aaron   ^^'^~^ 
and  the  related  staff  or  standard  on  which  the  serpent  was 


92  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

raised,  we  are  to  find  that  they  were  originally  sacred 
objects  of  worship,  for  we  have  good  testimony  to  the  fact 
that  the  latter  was  an  object  of  worship  as  late  as  the 
time  of  king  Hezekiah  (2  Kings  18.  4),  the  Hebrews 
calling  it  Nehushtan,  and  burning  incense  to  it. 

66.  Rites  and  Festivals.  Among  sacred  rites  instituted 
at  this  time  the  chief  place  belongs  to  circumcision,  for  it  is 
evident  from  Exod  4.  24-26;  Josh  5.  5f¥.,  that  neither  Moses 
nor  the  Israelites  were  circumcised  before  this  time.  The 
chief  festivals  were  the  Sabbath  and  the  Passover.  The 
latter  had  the  signification  of  a  pastoral  spring  festival, 
with  the  sacrifice  of  the  first-born  of  the  flock;  whether  it 
already  possessed  the  character  of  the  feast  of  Unleavened 
Bread  (Mazzoth),  or  harvest  festival  of  grain,  will  depend 
upon  how  much  of  an  agricultural  activity  we  recognize  for 
this  period.  The  stories  of  the  golden  calf  and  Baal-Peor 
imply  that  Israel  came  early  under  the  influence  of  the  Baal 
cults;  and  Kadesh  and  the  Negeb  produced  fruits  as  well 
as  grain;  and  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  three  harvest 
festivals  in  an  early  form  belong  to  this  time. 

67.  The  Priests  and  Levites.  With  the  institution  of 
the  new  Jehovah  religion  came  that  of  the  priesthood,  who 
should  perform  the  functions  connected  with  the  sacrifices, 

Exod  33. 7-";      the  ark,  and  the  oracle.    It  would  seem  that  Moses  himself 
Nu***xa'  acted  as  the  chief  priest,  and  that  Joshua  was  his  servant. 

The  Aaron  of  the  earher  tradition  appears  in  roles  of 
antagonism  to  Moses;  and  it  is  the  later  tradition  that 
makes  him  the  high  priest,  and  surrounds  him  with  a 
highly  organized  hierarchy.  The  priestly  functionaries  were 
the  Levites,  and  their  main  function,  not  to  sacrifice,  but  to 
manipulate  the  oracle;  hence  they  are  distinctively  desig- 
nated as  those  who  wear  or  bear  the  Ephod  ( i  Sam  2.  28 ; 
14.  3,  18). 

68.  The  Character  and  Achievement  of  Moses.  It 
would  have  been  strange  indeed  if  the  character  of  Moses 
should   not  have  been   idealized;   but   making  the    fullest 


MOSES  93 

allowance  for  such  grateful  tribute  of  later  generations  to 
their  illustrious  national  founder,  there  can  be  no  doubt  of 
the  manysidedness  of  his  character.  He  appears  as  leader, 
organizer,  legislator,  judge,  priest,  and  prophet.  It  would 
seem  as  if  the  last  term  comprises  all  his  functions;  at 
any  rate,  it  predominates  in  them  all.  To  have  accom- 
plished what  he  did,  he  must  have  possessed  a  tireless 
industry  and  energy,  enthusiasm,  wisdom  and  tact,  faith  and 
love.  Later  generations  have  added  to  all  these  the  author- 
ship of  the  Pentateuch.  For  reasons  that  the  content  of  the 
Pentateuch  itself  furnishes,  namely,  that  it  is  composed  of 
various  sources  which  extend  through  seven  centuries  of 
Hebrew  history,  Moses  can  no  longer  be  regarded  as  its 
sole  author.  But  if  Moses  did  not  write  history,  he  made 
history,  which  is  by  far  the  greater  accomplishment.  His 
achievements  may  be  briefly  summarized  as  follows :  He 
awakened  in  an  oppressed  and  discouraged  people  the  feel- 
ing of  national  consciousness;  he  cemented  them  into  a 
band  having  common  hopes  and  aspirations;  and  he  united 
them  by  the  common  bond  of  Jehovah  their  God,  to  whom 
they  bound  themselves  in  moral  obligations. 

Moses  thus  was  the  founder  of  both  Israel's  national 
and  religious  Hfe;  and  became  more  than  the  Washington 
of  Israel. 

69.  The  Meaning  of  Moses  for  Subsequent  History. 
The  manner  in  which  the  prophets  Amos  and  Hosea  refer 
to  the  law  of  Jehovah,  which  Israel  has  forgotten,  indi- 
cates that  there  was  in  existence  at  that  time,  not  indeed 
the  present  Pentateuch,  but  a  clearly  defined  body  of  truth 
which  they  could  appeal  to  as  authoritative.  These  prophets 
never  appear  as  innovators,  but  as  reformers;  and  Hosea, 
for  instance,  in  making  his  appeals,  quotes  in  one  verse 
one  half  of  the  Decalogue  (Hos  4.  2).  No  period  of 
Hebrew  history  between  Moses  and  these  prophets  can 
lay  stronger  claim  to  have  given  the  ideals  these  prophets 
appeal  to  than  that  of  Moses;  and  it  appears  thus  as  funda- 


94  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

mental  to  subsequent  history.  Our  examination  of  the 
period  has  shown  it  to  have  been  one  of  primitive  condi- 
tions ;  but  they  were  conditions  of  a  state  of  society,  crude 
indeed  in  many  respects,  but  simple  and  as  yet  unspoiled 
by  decadent  civilization ;  and  for  this  reason  not  unsuited 
to  produce  certain  principles  of  permanent  value  and  im- 
portance to  society. 

1.  The  political  ideal  of  Mosaic  times  is  that  of  a 
theocracy,  which  is  a  combination  of  the  best  elements  of 
democracy  and  monarchy.  The  ruler  is  ''called  of  God," 
that  is,  not  hereditarily,  but  providentially  raised  by  his 
fitness  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  his  time,  and  amenable  to 
popular  approval.  The  administration  of  law  is  under 
religious  sanction,  and  under  men  upon  whom  rests  the 
spirit  of  God,  designed  to  produce  social  justice.  The 
body  politic  is  free  and  independent,  without  class  dis- 
tinctions ;  and  alert  to  assert  its  rights :  it  is  the  desert  type 
of  government,  free  and  easy  as  desert  life,  but,  of  course, 
sharing  also  its  limitations. 

2.  The  social  ideal  was  that  of  the  simple  life,  imposed 
by  the  unsettled  mode  of  living  in  desert  regions;  its  hard- 
ships and  dangers  left  it  free  from  luxury  and  effeminacy, 
drunkenness  and  debauch. 

3.  The  religious  conception  of  Mosaic  times  may  be 
termed  an  ethical  henotheism,  that  is,  the  recognition  of 
only  one  God  for  Israel,  or  monolatry,  the  worship  of  only 
one  God.  This  is  the  intermediate  stage  of  development 
between  polytheism  and  monotheism.  All  the  religious 
sentiments  and  cultic  acts  are  concentrated  on  Jehovah. 
There  is  only  one  sanctuary,  and  the  cult  is  centralized. 
Only  a  comparison  with  the  religions  of  surrounding  peoples 
can  make  clear  how  notable  this  faith  is.  There  is  no 
image  of  Jehovah;  no  sacred  prostitution,  which  Baal  wor- 
ship had ;  there  is  an  absence  of  the  rank  spiritism,  animism, 
and  magic,  so  prominent  in  the  cults  which  later  influence 
the   Israelites;   and   in   religious   leadership   the   prophetic 


MOSES  95 

element,   or  the  moral  and   spiritual,   dominates   over  the 
priestly  or  ritual. 

In  these  characteristics  of  the  political,  social,  and  reli- 
gious ideas  of  the  times  of  Moses  can  be  recognized  many 
of  the  ideals  of  the  prophets  of  whom  Moses  was  thus 
incipiently  a  forerunner;  and  which  still  justify  the  order 
**Moses  and  the  prophets." 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Be  sure  to  read  first  the  biblical  passages  indicated  in  the 
margin  at  the  sections  and  look  up  the  references  given  in  the  text. 

2.  Obtain  a  clear  conception  of  the  meaning  of  a  covenant.  Read 
article  "Covenant"  in  Dictionary  of  the  Bible  and  confer  Gen  15. 
I -21  and  Jer  34.  i8f. 

3.  Consider  the  Hebrew  covenant  at  Horeb-Sinai,  noting  the  two 
contracting  parties  and  the  nature  of  the  mutual  obligations. 

4.  Mark  in  your  Bible  the  Ritual  Code,  the  Social  Code,  and 
the  Book  of  the  Covenant,  according  to  section  6,  and  underscore 
the  main  word  in  each  enactment. 

5.  Consider  the  origin  of  Hebrew  law  as  compared  with  that  of 
other  nations. 

6.  State  in  your  own  words  the  demands  of  the  Decalogue. 

7.  Consider  what  were  the  functions  of  the  Hebrew  religious 
service. 

8.  Compare  the  character  and  achievements  of  Moses  with  those 
of  George  Washington  or  those  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

9.  Consider  the  permanent  values  of  the  moral  and  religious  ideals 
of  the  time  of  Moses. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  CONQUEST  AND  SETTLEMENT  OF 
PALESTINE 

I.  The  Biblical  Sources 

70.  The  Contents  of  the  Book  of  Joshua.  In  their 
present  form  the  books  of  Joshua  and  Judges  are  the  con- 
tinuation of  the  history  of  the  Hebrew  people  from  the  death 
of  Moses  to  their  settlement  in  Canaan.  The  contents  of 
the  book  of  Joshua  may  be  summarized  by  chapters  as  fol- 
lows: Joshua  assumes  the  leadership  as  the  successor  of 
Moses ;  and  makes  preparations  to  cross  the  Jordan  ( i )  ; 
spies  are  sent  to  Jericho  (2)  ;  the  Jordan  is  crossed  (3)  ; 
and  a  memorial  of  a  heap  of  stones  is  set  up  at  Gilgal 
(4)  ;  the  miraculous  approach  of  the  Israelites  terrifies  the 
Canaanites;  the  Israelites  celebrate  their  entrance  into 
Canaan  by  the  rite  of  circumcision  and  the  keeping  of  the 
passover;  and  are  assured  of  God's  presence  (5)  ;  Jericho  is 
miraculously  captured,  and  utterly  destroyed,  except  Rahab 
(6)  ;  Achan's  sin  of  taking  instead  of  destroying  the  spoil 
of  Jericho  causes  a  temporary  defeat  of  the  Israelites  (7)  ; 
Ai  is  conquered ;  and  the  law  read  upon  Ebal  and  Gerizim 
(8)  ;  the  Canaanites  prepare  to  stop  the  conquerors ;  but 
the  Gibeonites  exceptionally  choose  the  wiser  course  to 
enter  into  friendly  relations  with  them  by  a  ruse  (9)  ;  five 
kings  in  the  south  form  a  confederacy  to  oppose  Joshua 
and  the  Israelites,  but  are  totally  defeated  and  destroyed 
( 10)  ;  a  northern  coalition  of  kings,  led  by  Jabin,  king  of 
Hazor,  leads  to  a  battle  by  the  waters  of  Merom,  and  to  a 

96 


CONQUEST  OF  PALESTINE  97 

similar  defeat  and  destruction ;  and  the  entire  land  is  con- 
quered (11);  and  a  list  of  conquered  kings  and  territory 
concludes  the  story  of  the  conquest  (12). 

Joshua  now  distributes  the  conquered  land  to  the  tribes 
(13  to  21)  ;  the  East-Jordan  tribes  return  to  their  inherit- 
ance, and  conform  to  the  law  of  one  sanctuary  (22)  ;  Joshua 
bids  Israel  farewell  and  renews  their  covenant  with  Jehovah ; 
and  dies  at  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  ten  years  (23,  24). 

71.  The  Contents  of  the  Book  of  Judges.  The  book 
of  Judges  consists  of  three  elements:  (i)  i  to  2.  5,  which 
apparently  continues  the  history  of  the  conquest  after  the 
death  of  Joshua;  (2)  2.  6  to  16.  31,  the  history  of  the 
judges  ;i  and  (3)  an  appendix,  containing  the  story  of  the 
Ephraimite  Micah  and  the  founding  of  the  Danite  sanctuary 
at  Laish  by  the  sources  of  the  Jordan  (17,  18)  ;  and  the 
rape  of  a  Levite's  concubine  by  the  Benjamites  (19  to  21). 

The  story  of  the  book  of  Ruth  is  laid  "in  the  days  when 
the  judges  judged,"  which  accounts  for  its  place  after  the 
book  of  Judges  in  the  Christian  Bibles.  The  Moabite  heroine 
of  the  story  becomes  the  Israelite  ancestress  of  King  David. 
The  nature  of  the  story  is  such  as  to  fit  any  of  the  periods 
of  Hebrew  history ;  and  it  suggests  social  rather  than  histori- 
cal conditions ;  and  its  only  distinctive  historical  element 
is  the  genealogy  of  David  with  which  the  book  closes  (see 
Sections  7  and  239). 

72.  The  Character  of  the  Biblical  Sources.  If  v^e 
could  take  these  biblical  accounts  as  purely  historical,  the 
construction  of  the  history  would  be  comparatively  simple. 
But  upon  examination  it  appears  that  we  have  here  also  a 


1  The  history  of  the  Judges  consists:  (i)  of  an  introduction,  2.  6  to  a.  6,  in  which 
the  oppression  of  the  Israehtes  by  their  foes  is  declared  to  be  a  divine  punishment 
for  their  Baalism,  and  their  deliverance  a  divine  act  of  grace  on  repentance;  and  (2), 
within  a  framework,  illustrating  the  same  view  of  history,  the  heroic  acts  of  the  twelve 
Judges:  Othniel,  the  hero  in  a  Mesopotamian  (or  Edomite)  oppression  (3.  7-1 1);  Ehud, 
the  left-handed  slayer  of  the  Moabite  tyrant  (3.  12-30);  Shamgar,  who  slays  six 
hundred  Philistines  (3.  31);  Barak  and  Deborah,  victors  over  Sisera,  captain  of  the 
host  of  Jabin  the  Canaanite  king  of  Hazor  (4,  5) ;  Gideon  or  Jerubbaal.  freeing  Israel 
from  the  raids  of  the  Midianites  and  Amalekites  (6  to  8);  Abimelech,  the  tribal  king 
of  Shechem  (9);  Tola  (10.  i,  2);  Jair  (10.  3-5);  Jephthah,  the  deliverer  from  the  Am- 
monites (10.  6  to  12.  7);  Ibzan  (12.  8-10);  Elon  (12.  11,  12);  Abdon  (12.  13-iS);  and 
Samson,  worrying  the  Philistines  with  his  herculean  feats  (13  to  16). 


98  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

combination  of  the  four  main  sources  of  the  Hexateuch, 
with  all  their  characteristics. 

73.  The  Two  Views  of  the  Conquest.  The  most 
elaborate  account  of  the  conquest  and  settlement  of  Palestine 
is  that  found  in  Joshua.  The  story  is  familiar.  Israel  crosses 
the  Jordan  under  Joshua.  Jericho  and  Ai  are  conquered. 
The  confederacy  of  the  kings  of  the  south  is  defeated,  and 
then  that  of  the  kings  of  the  north.  The  whole  land,  thus 
conquered,  is  divided  among  the  tribes,  those  of  the  East- 
Jordan  returning  to  their  inheritance.  Four  points  are  clear 
in  this  picture:  i.  The  conquest  was  national;  Israel  acts  as 
a  whole  under  Joshua.  2.  It  was  accomplished  at  one  time, 
within  a  single  generation.  3.  It  was  mainly  by  warfare. 
4.  It  was  complete,  the  whole  land  being  won. 

A  careful  study  of  the  book  of  Judges  reveals  quite  a 
different  situation,  and  this  is  supported  by  other  references. 
Judg  I  to  2.  5  tells  the  story  of  the  work  of  conquest  after 
Joshua's  death.  Jerusalem  was  not  captured  until  the  time 
of  David  (Judg  19.  12;  confer  2  Sam  5.  6-9).  The 
Canaanites  were  not  driven  out  of  Gezer  until  the  time  of 
Solomon  (Judg  i.  29;  confer  i  Kings  9.  16).  Beth-shan 
remained  Philistine  until  the  time  of  David  (Judg  i.  27; 
confer  i  Sam  31.  10).  Taanach  and  Megiddo  were  still 
Canaanites  in  the  time  of  Deborah  (Judg  5.  19;  i.  2'j^,  and 
Shechem  until  the  time  of  Abimelech  (Judg  9.  28).  More- 
over, we  find  constant  warnings  given  to  the  Israelites 
against  association  with  the  Canaanites,  which  clearly  shows 
that  the  latter  were  living  peacefully  among  the  Israelites  at 
a  later  time.     (Judg  3.  1-6 ;  i  Kings  9.  2of. ;  Deut  7.  1-5,  22). 

There  is  little  question  as  to  which  of  these  views  is  cor- 
rect. That  of  Judges  is  much  the  older,  coming  from  J,  and 
at  the  same  time  has  every  historical  probability  on  its  side. 
We  cannot  conceive  how  Joshua,  if  he  conquered  the  whole 
land,  north  and  south,  should  have  left  it  unoccupied  so 
that  the  work  had  all  to  be  done  over  again  after  his  death, 
nor  where  the  Canaanites  should  have  come  from  again  so 


CONQUEST  OF  PALESTINE  99 

quickly  if  they  had  all  been  annihilated.  Here  again  we 
must  distinguish  between  the  original  historical  facts  and 
the  use  made  of  them  by  later  teachers  and  preachers  for 
religious  purposes.  The  account  of  Joshua  is  from  the 
later  hand  of  D.  It  is  a  great  lesson  in  the  form  of  history 
warning  Israel  against  contamination  with  pagan  neighbors. 
Living  centuries  after  the  conquest,  this  writer  saw  what 
the  baneful  effects  of  Canaanitish  influence  had  been  upon 
Israel's  social,  moral,  and  religious  life.  He  is  convinced 
of  two  great  ideas.  First,  if  Israel  had  absolutely  exter- 
minated the  Canaanites  (''devoted"  them  to  Jehovah,  Josh 
6.  21),  the  people  and  the  land  would  have  been  saved  from 
contamination.  Second,  if  they  had  thus  shown  their  loyalty 
and  zeal,  then  Jehovah  would  have  fought  for  them ;  they 
would  have  simply  needed  to  stand  still  and  see  the  salva- 
tion'of  Jehovah  who  would  have  made  all  walls  fall  before 
them.  The  writer,  therefore,  for  the  purpose  of  his  teach- 
ing, idealizes  the  history,  emphasizing  some  aspects,  dis- 
regarding others,  and  picturing  events  more  according  to 
his  idea  of  how  they  must,  or  should,  have  been.  At  the 
same  time  he  puts  into  a  few  years  the  conquest  that  really 
required  generations.  The  noble  religious  faith  and  purpose 
of  the  writer  and  his  zeal  for  pure  religion  are  evident, 
though  his  idea  of  the  mission  of  religion  seems  cruel  and 
narrow  as  compared  with  ours.  For  us  religion  is  to  trans- 
form as  a  missionary  power;  for  him  the  only  safety  lay  in 
kilHng  off  its  enemies.  This  is  the  law  of  Herem,  observance 
of  which  is  to  bring  success  (Josh  i.  /ff.),  and  failure  in 
which  is  to  bring  disaster  (Josh  6.  18,  21  ;  7.  i,  10-12). 

74.  The  Framework  of  the  History  of  the  Judges.  In 
the  book  of  Judges  it  is  necessary  to  distinguish  clearly 
between  the  older  stories  about  the  Judges  and  the  introduc- 
tion and  framework,  which  are  much  later.  These  last  are 
from  the  school  of  D,  the  same  source  as  the  book  of  Joshua. 
The  introduction,  2.  6  to  3.  6,  gives  a  summary  of  the  whole 
period:  After  the  death  of  Joshua  and  his  generation  the 


loo  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

Israelites  forsook  Jehovah  and  worshiped  the  gods  of 
Canaan ;  as  a  punishment  Jehovah  allowed  them  to  be 
oppressed  by  their  enemies ;  but  when  they  repented  and 
cried  to  him  for  help,  he  sent  them  deliverers.  Correspond- 
ing to  this  philosophy  of  history,  each  of  the  stories  of  the 
more  prominent  Judges  is  opened  and  closed  in  a  similar 
formal  way  as  this :  The  Israelites  again  did  that  which  was 
evil  in  the  sight  of  Jehovah ;  he  delivered  them  into  the  hand 
of  such  and  such  an  oppressor;  when  they  cried  unto  him 
he  raised  up  so  and  so  as  a  deliverer ;  upon  which  follows 
the  story  of  the  deliverance,  closed  with  the  statement :  And 
the  land  had  rest  so  and  so  many  years  (Judg  3.  7-1 1,  12-15, 
30;  4.  1-3;  5.  31  ;  6.  1-7;  8.  28;  10.  6-10).  By  these  means 
the  Deuteronomist  enforces  the  lessons  of  the  prophets  of 
the  eighth  and  seventh  centuries,  who  saw  in  the  downfall 
of  Israel  and  Judah  the  visitation  and  vindicatiorf  of 
Jehovah's  righteousness.  The  stories  of  the  Judges  them- 
selves, however,  are  entirely  independent  of  the  framework 
within  which  they  are  now  placed,  and  are  of  far  earlier 
material. 

75.  The  Elements  of  P  and  J  and  E.  In  Josh  i  to  12, 
the  element  that  P  contributes  is  not  extensive:  a  version 
of  the  crossing  of  the  Jordan  and  the  account  of  the  observ- 
ance of  the  Passover  that  followed  come  from  this  source. 
But  in  chapters  13  to  24,  the  allotment  of  the  tribal  terri- 
tories and  the  assignment  of  cities  in  these  territories  to  the 
Levites  and  priests,  and  the  designation  of  the  asylum  cities 
are  chiefly  from  P. 

The  remainder  probably  belongs  to  J  and  E,  the  oldest,  and 
for  historical  use  the  most  serviceable  material.  Some  of  the 
stories  of  the  Judges,  as  of  Samson,  for  instance,  are  popular 
tales  that  have  become  embellished  in  transmission.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Song  of  Deborah,  Judg  5,  is  a  nearly  con- 
temporaneous record  of  the  history  of  the  struggle  of  the 
Israelites  with  the  Canaanites  for  the  possession  of  the  land, 
and  is  a  historical  source  of  the  first  rank. 


CONQUEST  OF  PALESTINE  loi 

76.  The  Sources  for  the  Conquest  of  South  and  East 
Palestine.  As  bearing  on  the  history  of  the  conquest, 
there  should  be  here  added  also  the  account  of  the  attempt  to 
invade  Palestine  from  the  south,  Num  T3f.,  and  especially 
the  two  detached  brief  but  ancient  fragments,  Num  14.  44f., 
and  21.  1-3.  The  account  of  the  sending  out  of  the  spies  is 
a  combination  of  JE  and  P ;  and  in  its  present  form  aims 
to  account  for  the  fact  that  Israel  did  not  immediately  pro- 
ceed to  capture  Canaan,  but  remained  for  a  generation  in 
the  desert. 

The  material  for  the  conquest  of  the  East-Jordan  province 
is  in  the  form  of  a  narrative  of  a  journey  from  Kadesh 
by  the  way  of  the  southern  boundaries  of  Edom  to  the 
Jordan,  including  the  accounts  of  the  death  of  Aaron  and 
Moses  (Num  20  to  Deut  3.  34).  It  includes:  Num  20. 
14-21;  Deut  2.  i-8a,  through  the  land  of  Edom;  Num 
21.  10-20;  Deut  2.  8b-23,  by  the  wilderness  of  Moab;  Num 
21.  21-32;  Deut  2.  24-37,  the  victory  over  Sihon  king 
of  the  Amorites;  Num  21.  33-35;  Deut  3.  1-7,  the  victory 
over  Og,  king  of  Bashan;  and  Num  32;  Deut  3.  12-22, 
the  settlement  of  the  tribes  Gad  and  Reuben,  which  mainly 
concern  us,  as  furnishing  historical  data.  The  brief  accounts 
of  JE  may  be  taken  as  embodying  historical  reminiscences ; 
the  material  that  D  furnishes  betrays  the  later  point  of 
view,  as  in  the  book  of  Joshua ;  while  P,  in  the  substance  of 
Num  33-35,  deals  with  the  period  from  the  later  priestly 
point  of  view. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Incorporate  in  your  Bible  the  main  divisions  of  the  book  of 
Joshua. 

2.  Do  the  same  with  the  book  of  Judges.  Distinguish  the  "frame- 
work" from  the  stories  of  the  Judges  and  underscore  the  names 
of  the  Judges. 

3.  Note  particularly  that  the  earlier  and  later  sources  are  dis- 
tinguished by  the  view  they  take  of  how  the  conquest  was  accom- 
plished. 

4.  Estimate  the  moral  and  religious  value  of  the  later  account. 


102  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

2.  The  Invasion  of  Palestine 

77.  The  Task  of  the  Invaders.     Using  the  material 

that  comes  to  us  from  Judges  and  other  sources,  we  get  the 
following  outline  picture  of  the  conquest :  It  was  ( i )  tribal, 
one  or  two  tribes  together  gain  their  territory;  (2)  gradual, 
extending  over  a  period  of  many  generations;  (3)  mainly 
peaceful,  accomplished  often  by  treaties,  intermarriages, 
and  amalgamation;  and  (4)  incomplete,  until  after  many 
generations  had  passed  away.  This  view  accords  better 
with  the  task  the  invaders  had  to  accomplish.  The  inhabi- 
tants of  Palestine  very  Hkely  lacked  the  spirit  of  union,  and 
had  become  weakened  by  vice;  yet  they  were  civilized, 
trained  in  warfare,  and  had  fortified  cities.  The  Hebrews 
were  more  than  mere  nomads ;  and  driven  from  their  desert 
home  by  the  increase  of  their  numbers,  possessed  the  cour- 
age of  adventurers.  But  in  open  warfare  they  were  at  a 
disadvantage;  and  to  this  bear  witness  the  statements  that 
they  ''could  not  drive  out  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley,  be- 
cause they  had  chariots  of  iron."  At  times  unquestionably 
they  must  have  made  their  entrance  by  force;  but  more 
frequently  by  quiet  occupation,  by  treaties,  or  intermar- 
riages, living  then  side  by  side  with  the  natives.  Having 
in  time  gained  in  numbers  and  strength,  "they  put  the 
Canaanites  to  task  work" ;  and  having  finally  learned  by 
experience  to  make  war  more  successfully,  they  became 
masters  of  the  land.  Following  the  earlier  material,  we  may 
consider  the  occupation  of  Palestine  as  having  transpired  in 
three  stages :  the  Southern,  the  Eastern,  and  the  Western. 

78.  The  Southern  Occupation.  The  data  for  the  occu- 
pation of  the  south  in  their  present  context  in  Judges  and 
Joshua  imply  that  it  took  place  from  the  east.  Judah  and 
Simeon,  joined  by  Caleb  and  the  Kenites,  we  are  told  (Judg 
I.  1-21),  attack  the  army  of  ten  thousand  men  of  Adoni- 
bezek;  rout  it,  overtake  and  mutilate  the  king,  and  capture 
his  capital,  Jerusalem.  The  tribes  then  move  southward, 
capture  Hebron,  which   falls  to  Caleb;  continuing  south- 


CONQUEST  OF  PALESTINE  103 

ward,  they  take  Zephath,  formerly  called  Hormah.  They 
even  invade  the  Philistine  district,  and  take  the  cities  Gaza, 
Askelon,  and  Ekron.  The  last  statement  cannot  be  meant 
for  this  period;  and  it  is  generally  considered  an  insertion 
of  a  late  redactor.  The  capture  of  Jerusalem  in  v.  8  is 
contradicted  by  v.  21 ;  and  we  know  that  it  was  David  who 
first  captured  it.  The  whole  section  looks  as  if  it  were  a 
general  summary  of  events  that  have  taken  place,  but  not 
in  the  chronological  and  geographical  order  here  given.  On 
the  other  hand,  if  the  fragments  Num  14.  39b-45  and  21. 
1-3  are  taken  together,  and  independently  of  the  context  in 
which  they  are  found,  they  tell  first  of  an  unsuccessful 
attempt  to  invade  southern  Palestine  from  Kadesh ;  but  later 
of  a  victory  of  Israel  over  the  Canaanites  of  the  south  as 
far  as  Hormah.  A  comparison  of  Num  21.  1-3  with  Judg 
I.  i6f.  shows  clearly  that  they  are  duplicates;  for  both  lie 
within  the  same  district  and  involve  the  capture  of  Hormah, 
the  main  difference  being  that  what  in  Numbers  is  ascribed 
to  Israel  as  a  whole  is  in  Judges  ascribed  to  Simeon,  Judah, 
and  the  Kenites. 

There  is  much  to  be  said  in  favor  of  such  an  invasion 
from  the  south  by  these  tribes.  Zephath  or  Hormah  is  only 
about  forty  miles  from  Kadesh.  Zephath  is  commonly  identi- 
fied with  Sebaita,  twenty-two  miles  north-northeast  from 
Ain  Kades ;  but  it  is  better  to  identify  it  with  the  mountain 
ridge  Es-Safa,  about  forty  miles  northeast  of  Kadesh.  The 
occupation  was  under  the  conditions  then  existing  likely 
to  be  far  more  effective  from  the  south  than  from  the  north, 
and  more  natural  and  less  arduous  than  from  the  east.  An 
eastern  invasion  implies  warfare,  for  which  the  Israelites 
were  not  as  yet  prepared ;  a  southern  implies  a  gradual 
encroaching  upon  adjoining  territory  by  a  people  pressed 
for  room.  The  story  of  the  spies  (Num  13)  and  Caleb's 
part  in  it  also  favor  the  approach  from  the  south.  Caleb 
believed  that  the  south  of  Canaan  could  be  possessed  from 
Kadesh ;  he  obtains  his  inheritance  in  the  south ;  and  at 


21.  IO-35; 
Deut  3  to  3.  7 


104  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

Hebron  he  conquers  the  three  sons  of  Anak  that  he  had 
spied  out  on  his  expedition. 

It  would  seem,  then,  not  unreasonable  to  suppose  that 
after  a  considerable  residence  at  Kadesh,  some  of  the 
Hebrew  tribes,  and  apparently  the  Leah  tribes,  Judah  and 
Simeon,  together  with  their  confederates  Caleb  and  the 
Kenites,  pushed  their  way  northward,  and  gained  gradually 
firmer  foothold  in  southern  Palestine.  The  separation  from 
the  rest  of  the  tribes  at  this  time  is  more  likely  than  at  any 
later  time ;  and  it  explains  the  cleavage  that  existed  between 
the  southern  and  northern  tribes  in  the  subsequent  periods. 

Num  20.  14-21;  79.  The  Occupation  of  Eastern  Palestine.  The  ac- 
count of  the  occupation  of  eastern  Palestine  we  have  mainly 
from  the  point  of  view  of  the  later  nationalism.  At  the  end 
of  their  stay  in  the  desert,  and  still  under  the  leadership 
of  Moses,  the  tribes  as  a  whole  break  up  at  Kadesh  to  pro- 
ceed to  take  possession  of  the  promised  land.  They  ask 
permission  to  pass  through  Edom,  but  are  refused,  and,  out 
of  deference  to  their  rights,  pass  through  by  the  way  of  the 
Gulf  of  Akaba.  They  are  not  to  molest  Moab  and  Ammon ; 
for  it  is  the  country  of  the  children  of  Lot.  But  when  they 
reach  the  territory  of  the  eastern  Amorites,  they  capture 
Jazer,  overcome  Sihon,  the  king  of  Heshbon,  and  Og,  the 
king  of  Bashan,  capture  their  cities,  although  they  were 
''fortified  zvith  high  zvalls,  gates,  and  bars''  ''utterly  destroy- 
ing every  inhabited  city,  with  the  women  and  the  little  ones" 

Num 22. 2-24  (Deut  3.  5f.).  Moab  and  Midian  are  terrified  at  Israel's 
success,  and  send  for  the  aid  of  Baalam,  a  soothsayer,  to 
cast  a  spell  upon  the  victors ;  but  Baalam  recognizes  the 
hand  of  Jehovah  in  the  movement ;  and  instead  of  cursing 

Num  32;  them  blesses  them.     The  conquered  country  is  now  given 

Deut  3.  12—22 

to  Reuben,  Gad,  and  half  of  Manasseh. 

This  kind  of  a  conquest,  however,  has  to  be  qualified  by 
the  confession  of  weakness  already  referred  to;  and  there 
exists  a  remnant  of  an  older  account  which  confirms  the 
suspicion  that  the  occupation  was  less  sweeping,  stating  that 


CONQUEST  OF  PALESTINE  105 

many  Canaanites  were  not  conquered.     We  may  suppose,  Josh  13. 13 
therefore,   that  the   settlement   in  eastern   Palestine   was  a 
second  stage  in  the  attempt  of  the  tribes  to  find  larger  quar- 
ters in  the  rich  pasture  lands  of  this  region. 

80.   The  Occupation  of  Western  Palestine.     We  have 
already  considered  the  two  conceptions  of  the  conquest  of 
western   Palestine    (Section   73).     According   to   the   one, 
national  Israel,  with  its  right  to  the  land  by  divine  promise, 
crosses  over  Jordan  dry-shod ;  the  walls  of  Jericho  fall ;  and 
Jehovah  drives  its  enemies  before  it  as  the  hornet.    But  the 
other  view  is  conscious  of  limitations  and  of  difficulties  to 
be  encountered  by  a  people  of  courage  inspired  by  faith.  Josh  3-  2  to  s.  i 
As  there  are  various  versions  of  the  crossing  of  the  Red 
Sea,  so  there  are  of  the  crossing  of  the  Jordan ;  and  here 
also  a  providential  deliverance  has  been  recognized  by  a  later 
faith.    Josh  3.  16  suggests  a  landslide,  not  uncommon  along 
the  clayey  and  overhanging  banks  of  the  Jordan.     But  the 
Jordan  is  fordable  at  various  points  near  Jericho  (Judg  3. 
28;  7.  24;  12.  5).    Of  the  capture  of  Jericho  also  are  various  Josh  a;  5.  13- 
accounts,    suggesting    a    providential    circumstance.      The   *^' 
sending  out  of  the  spies,  the  friendliness  of  Rahab,  and  the 
understanding  with  her,  indicate  a  well  laid  plan  of  capture. 
The  capture  of  Ai  illustrates  Israel's  sagacity  in  outwitting   Josh  s 
its  enemies. 

Of  the  utmost  importance  for  the  understanding  of  the  J°^^  ^-  ^-^^ 
process  of  Israel's  occupation  of  the  land  is  the  treaty  with 
the  Gibeonites.  It  involved  four  of  the  most  important  cities 
of  central  Palestine,  holding  a  strategic  position  between  the 
south  and  the  north.  The  independence  of  these  cities  is 
ascribed  to  a  ruse,  which  aims  to  palliate  such  a  religious 
blunder,  as  it  appeared  to  a  later  time,  which  sees  no  other 
reason  for  their  existence  than  Israel's  sufferance. 

The   account  of  the   conquest  of  southern   Palestine   in  Josh  9.  i.  2:  10; 
Joshua  runs  parallel  with  that  of  Judah,  already  considered   ^g'^^y^ 
(Section  78).    It  represents  a  later  summary  of  events  end-  Judg  i.  i-aij 
ing  with  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by  David. 


io6  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

Judgi.  i2-36  Central  and  northern  Palestine  were  at  first  secured  in  a 

very  partial  manner  by  the  various  tribes.  The  house  of 
Joseph,  consisting  of  Ephraim  (to  whom  belonged  Joshua) 
and  Manasseh,  succeeded  with  the  aid  of  a  guide  in  finding 
entrance  into  Bethel.  But  the  record  of  the  success  of  the 
other  tribes  is  very  meager,  and  tells  more  what  they  did  not 
than  what  they  did.  It  contains  a  list  of  about  seventeen 
cities,  occupying  the  heart  of  the  land,  whose  Canaanite 
inhabitants  "would  dwell  in  that  land."  Concerning  the 
tribe  of  Dan  we  are  told  that  the  Amorites  forced  them  into 
the  hill  country  (v.  34).  What  is  then  in  the  book  of  Joshua 
ascribed  to  united  Israel  under  the  leadership  of  Joshua  was 
really  accomplished  by  the  various  tribes  under  the  leader- 
ship of  the  Judges,  as  told  in  the  book  of  Judges,  and  ex- 
tending over  a  considerable  period  of  time.  This  does  not 
necessarily  mean  that  Joshua's  leadership  lacks  historical 
basis;  but  that  in  characteristic  nationalistic  fashion  the 
later  historian  has  foreshortened  the  events  of  history  and 
ascribed  to  one  generation  the  task  of  several.  But  the  book 
of  Judges  brings  us  into  scenes  that  resemble  the  earlier 
days  of  colonial  history.  The  native  population,  still  out- 
numbering the  invaders,  have  just  begun  to  realize  their 
danger,  and  at  various  points  seek  to  ward  off  their  fate. 
Israel,  it  is  evident,  is  by  no  means  always  victor.  Again  and 
again  it  is  vanquished,  enslaved  and  oppressed ;  but  at  the 
crucial  moment  one  of  their  heroes  arises  and  brings  them 
relief. 

The  primary  function  of  these  "Judges,"  as  gathered  from 
their  actions,  was  military  leadership ;  and  it  was  only  the 
prestige  gained  by  their  military  successes  that  brought  them 
secondary  functions  as  arbiters,  as  their  titles  suggest,  in 
disputes.  As  already  stated,  we  have  the  history  of  twelve 
of  these  "Judges" ;  and  it  appears  that  their  number,  as  well 
as  the  chronological  scheme,  which  is  part  of  the  deuterono- 
mistic  framework,  is  used  to  give  systematic  disposition  of 
the  material.     In  correspondence  with  the  view  of  the  Old 


Josh  II.  1-20 


CONQUEST  OF  PALESTINE  107 

Testament  that  forty  years  are  equivalent  to  a  generation, 
the  numbers  of  most  frequent  occurrence  are  twenty,  forty, 
and  eighty  (3.  11,  30;  4.  3  ;  5.  31  ;  8.  28;  13.  i;  15.  20;  16. 
31).  The  key  to  this  chronological  scheme  is  found  in  i 
Kings  6.  I,  which  reckons  four  hundred  and  eighty  years, 
or  twelve  generations,  from  the  Exodus  to  the  building  of 
Solomon's  Temple.  But  it  is  practically  impossible  to  make 
the  present  figures  in  Judges  and  Samuel  add  up  this  sum 
and  it  would  seem  that  the  symmetry  of  scheme  has  suffered 
in  transmission.  But  while  it  may  thus  be  impossible  to 
give  the  exact  dates  and  number,  or  sequence,  of  these 
Hebrew  champions,  the  general  character  of  their  achieve- 
ments may  still  be  ascertained. 

81.  The  War  of  Deliverance.  A  great  crisis  in  the  J"d8  4f.; 
history  of  the  conquest  is  narrated  in  Judg  4  and  5,  in  the 
victory  of  Barak  and  Deborah  over  Sisera  and  the  united 
Canaanites.  A  duplicate  version  of  this  victory  is  contained 
in  Josh  II.  1-20:  in  both  cases  the  Canaanites  unite  under 
Jabin,  king  of  Hazor,  and  the  battle  is  fought  in  the  north 
of  Palestine,  but  in  the  account  in  Joshua  is  a  characteristic 
anticipation  under  national  auspices  of  what  took  place  at 
a  later  time.  The  account  in  Judges  appears  in  double  form 
— a  prose  account,  ch.  4,  and  a  poetic,  ch.  5,  in  the  so-called 
Song  of  Deborah.  They  vary  in  some  minor  details  and 
mutually  supplement  each  other.  The  poetic  account  proves 
itself  naturally  the  earlier,  and  is,  in  fact,  one  of  the  earliest 
contemporaneous  documents  of  incalculable  historical  value, 
and  from  the  literary  point  of  view  one  of  the  finest  gems  of 
Hebrew  poetry.  It  conveys  to  us  information  of  the 
straitened  conditions  of  the  Israelites ;  on  account  of  the 
Canaanite  enemy  insecurity  and  danger  prevailed. 

*'The  highzvays  were  unoccupied"  (v.  6),  ''and  the 
travellers  walked  through  by  [or  crooked]  zvays."  The 
small  army  of  the  Israelites  was  insufficiently  armed ;  for 

V/as  there  shield  or  a  spear  seen 

Among  the  forty  thousand  in  Israel?  (v.  8.) 


io8  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

Like  the  Indians  in  Colonial  history,  the  Canaanites 
would  make  a  final  and  determinate  effort  to  annihilate  the 
hated  intruders ;  and  the  conditions  in  Israel  appeared 
favorable  to  effort;  for  not  only  were  they  harassed  and 
ill-equipped,  but,  worst,  they  were  disunited  and  lacked  a 
common  patriotism.  Only  six  of  the  tribes — Ephraim, 
Benjamin,  Machir,  Zebulun,  Issachar,  and  Naphtali — are 
mentioned  as  helping  the  common  cause.  Judah  and 
Simeon,  representing  the  south,  are  conspicuous  by  their 
absence;  Reuben  felt  he  ought  to  come,  but  yielded  to  the 
temptation  of  ease  and  remained 

Among  the  sheep  folds. 
To  hear  the  pipings  for  the  Hocks  (v.  isf.); 

and  Gilead  also  stayed  away,  and  Dan  preferred  to  "remain 
in  ships" ;  "Asher  sat  still  at  the  shore  of  the  sea" ;  and  the 
singer  becomes  indignant  at  the  lack  of  true  spirit  and 
cries  out : 

"Curse  ye  Meros,  said  the  angel  of  Jehovah, 
Curse  ye  bitterly  the  inhabitants  thereof, 
Because  they  came  not  to  the  help  of  Jehovah, 
To  the  help  of  Jehovah  against  the  mighty"  (v.  23). 

But  in  spite  of  all  the  difficulties,  Deborah  and  Barak 
succeeded  in  mustering  enough  to  meet  the  foe.  The  battle 
was  fought  in  the  valley  of  Kishon,  a  swampy  region,  dis- 
advantageous to  cavalry.  A  providential  rainstorm  seems 
to  have  come  to  aid  the  Israelites : 

From  heaven  fought  the  stars. 

From  their  courses  they  fought  against  Sisera  (v.  20) ; 

the  battlefield   became   flooded  and   disaster  overtook  the 

Canaanite : 

The  river  Kishon  swept  them  away. 

That  ancient  river,  the  river  Kishon  (v.  21). 

Captain  Sisera,  who  flees  to  the  tent  of  Jael,  the  wife  of 
Heber  the  Kenite,  falls  the  victim  of  foul  assassination ; 


CONQUEST  OF  PALESTINE  109 

and  Israel  passes  victoriously  the  crisis  of  extermination  by 
the  Canaanites.  Judging  from  the  psean  of  victory,  a  new 
and  exultant  spirit  fills  those  who  have  come  "to  the  help 
of  Jehovah  against  the  mighty." 

But  while  this  victory  settled  for  Israel  the  Canaanite 
problem  in  Central  and  Northern  Palestine,  it  brought  them 
by  no  means  a  permanent  rest,  for  as  the  exploits  of  the 
other  champions  would  indicate,  danger  still  threatened 
them  at  various  other  points.  Seven  of  the  twelve  "Judges" 
appear  only  of  minor  importance.  The  story  of  Othniel  J^^k  3. 7-xi 
(3.  7-1 1 )  belongs  to  D;  and  an  Aramaean  domination  at  this 
time  presents  an  historical  difficulty.  If  it  were  possible  to 
see  in  "Aram"  (v.  10)  a  corruption  of  "Edom,"  the  story 
would  then  point  to  an  invasion  from  the  east  upon  the 
south,  and  make  good  sense.  The  story  of  Ehud  (3.  15-29)  judga.  15-39 
points  to  an  uprising  of  Moab  as  a  result  of  Israel's  eastern 
occupation,  resulting  in  the  capture  and  recapture  of  Jericho. 
The  story  of  Shamgar  suggests  exploits  of  Samson ;  and  the 
other  minor  judges  are  merely  named.  Of  more  historical 
importance  are  Gideon  and  Abimelech;  Jephthah  and 
Samson. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Consider  the  causes  leading  to  the  Hebrew  invasion  of  Pales- 
tine, particularly  in  view  of  the  difficulty  of  the  task.  Read  Num 
13-  25-33  and  note  the  two  different  attitudes. 

2.  Study  with  the  aid  of  a  map  the  approaches  to  Palestine  from 
the  south  and  the  east. 

3.  Be  sure  to  examine  carefully  the  biblical  passages  dealing  with 
the  various  invasions  and  note  the  part  each  tribe  took. 

4.  Compare  the  Hebrew  settlement  with  the  Colonial  period  of 
American  history,  noting  the  character  of  the  invaders  and  the 
means  of  conquest. 

5.  Consider  the  political  and  religious  effects  of  the  war  of 
deliverance. 

3.  The  Tribal  Heroes 

82.    Gideon.     The  history  of  Gideon's  exploit  against   judf6to8 
the  Midianites  is  given  in  two  variant  versions.     The  older 


no  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

and  more  strictly  historical  version  is  contained  in  8.  4-ioa. 
II  ;  7.  i6a.c. ;  17a;  i8b. ;  19a. c. ;  20.  21b. ;  8.  12-21,  and  seems 
only  a  fragment  of  a  fuller  story.  According  to  it,  the 
Midianites,  Bedouins  of  the  desert,  under  their  leaders  Zebah 
and  Zalmunna,  had  made  a  raid  on  their  surefooted  camels 
into  western  Palestine,  and  near  Mount  Tabor  had  slain  two 
of  Gideon's  brothers  (vv.  18,  19).  Gideon,  driven  by  the 
duty  of  blood-revenge,  gathers  to  him  three  hundred  of  the 
clan  of  Abiezer  and  goes  in  pursuit  of  the  invaders.  Cross- 
ing the  Jordan,  he  asks  aid  of  the  elders  of  Succoth  and 
Penuel,  and  when  refused,  promises  vengeance  on  his  return, 
a  promise  which  he  keeps.  He  overtakes  the  Midianites,  and 
by  a  well-laid  plan  causes  a  panic  at  night  in  the  host  of  the 
enemy,  which  is  routed,  and  their  chieftain  is  captured. 
Gideon,  having  made  sure  that  they  had  slain  his  brothers, 
now  calls  upon  his  young  first-born  son  to  fulfill  the  duty 
of  blood-revenge  and  slay  the  chieftains:  and  when  the 
youth's  courage  fails,  Gideon  himself  slays  them. 

In  the  other  version  the  didactic  and  nationalistic  elements 
appear  strikingly  prominent.  Gideon  receives  his  call 
through  an  angelic  visitor.  His  mission  is  to  be  national,  and 
he  acts  also  like  Elijah  as  a  religious  reformer  in  breaking 
down  the  altars  of  Baal.  The  warfare  is  between  a  mighty 
invading  host  of  Midianites,  Amalekites,  and  other  children 
of  the  east,  "Like  locusts  for  multitude;  and  their  camels 
zvere  zvithout  number,  as  the  sand  ivhich  is  upon  the  sea- 
shore for  multitude"  (7.  12),  and  the  united  forces  of  the 
tribes  of  Manasseh,  Asher,  Zebulun,  Naphtali,  and  Ephraim. 
Twice  Gideon  is  divinely  assured  of  success;  and  in  order 
to  make  it  clear  that  the  victory  is  due  to  Jehovah  alone,  his 
army  of  forty-two  thousand  is  first  reduced  to  ten  thousand 
and  again  to  three  hundred  by  the  sign  of  those  who  drink 
without  getting  on  their  knees  like  those  who  have  bowed 
their  knees  to  Baal.  It  is  thus  the  number  is  brought  to 
harmonize  with  Gideon's  three  hundred  of  the  clan  of 
Abiezer.     The  victory  is  achieved  also  by  causing  a  panic, 


CONQUEST  OF  PALESTINE  iii 

but  the  means  is  the  blowing  of  the  trumpets,  instead  of  the 
empty  jars  with  torches  and  the  battle  cry,  **For  Jehovah 
and  Gideon" ;  and  the  two  chieftains,  here  named  Oreb  and 
Zeeb,  are  slain,  and  on  this  side  of  the  Jordan. 

The  sequence  of  Gideon's  victory  has  come  down  to  us 
also  in  double  form.  According  to  the  earlier  account, 
Gideon  requests  the  golden  earrings  of  his  captives  as  his 
spoil ;  and  of  the  gold  he  makes  an  ephod,  and  sets  it  up  in 
his  city  Ophrah.  The  implication  is  that  he  becomes  the 
local  ruler.  But,  according  to  later  account,  "the  men  of 
Israel"  offer  Gideon  the  kingship,  which  he  in  the  interest 
of  the  theocracy  refuses  with  the  words :  'T  will  not  rule 
over  you,  neither  shall  my  son  rule  over  you :  the  Lord  shall 
rule  over  you." 

83.  Abimelech.     How  nearly  the  rule  of  Gideon  ap-  Judggf. 
proached  a  tribal  kingdom  is  seen  illustrated  in  the  kingdom 

of  his  son  Abimelech  which  was  its  natural  sequence.  Abime- 
lech was  Gideon's  son  by  a  Canaanite  woman  of  Shechem ; 
and  upon  the  death  of  his  father,  aided  by  his  maternal 
relatives  and  hired  mercenaries,  he  murdered  seventy  of 
his  half-brothers  ''on  one  stone" — all  except  Jotham — and 
was  made  king  of  Shechem.  The  story  of  his  reign,  which 
has  all  the  marks  of  antiquity,  is  one  of  rivalry,  dissension, 
and  bloodshed.  Jotham's  parable  tells  his  view  of  his 
brother's  character  and  origin  with  stinging  sarcasm,  and 
forecasts  his  evil  end.  In  three  years  the  Shechemites  have 
broken  away  from  him  in  open  rebellion,  but  are  forced  back 
into  submission ;  and  he  himself  dies  ingloriously  at  the  siege 
of  Thebez  by  the  hand  of  a  woman.  Thus  comes  to  an  end 
the  first  real  attempt  at  kingship  in  Israel ;  it  was  a  step  in 
a  new  direction,  indicating  development ;  but  accomplishing 
little  of  permanent  value.  There  was  not  as  yet  sufficient 
amalgamation  of  the  Canaanite  and  Israelite  elements  for 
harmony;  and  the  Deuteronomistic  editor  with  insight 
ascribes  the  failure  to  Canaanite  religious  influence. 

84.  Jephthah.    The  deeds  of  Jephthah  are  surrounded  Judg  ut 


112  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

by  the  same  atmosphere,  but  the  scene  shifts  from  the  west 
to  the  east  of  the  Jordan,  to  Gilead.  Jephthah,  Hke  Abime- 
lech,  was  most  probably  the  offspring  of  the  union  of  an 
Israehte  with  a  Canaanite  woman ;  and  though  energetic  and 
brave,  was  not  allowed  to  live  in  peace  with  his  half- 
brothers,  but  was  driven  from  home,  to  live  the  life  of  an 
outlaw\  But  when  their  country  was  in  distress  his  ability 
was  remembered ;  he  was  recalled  and  asked  to  aid  them. 
He  promises  to  do  so  on  condition  that  he  rule  over  them, 
which  he  ultimately  did  in  Mizpeh  of  Gilead,  probably  the 
modern  es-Salt.  The  Ammonites,  and  apparently  the  Moa- 
bites  (see  Judg  ii.  17,  18,  24),  had  become  restive  under 
the  aggressiveness  of  the  Israelites,  and  taking  advantage 
of  their  dissensions,  had  made  an  effort  to  regain  their  loss. 
Jephthah  goes  into  the  battle  with  the  vow  that  if  Jehovah 
will  give  him  victory,  he  will  sacrifice  to  him  whatsoever 
comes  from  the  doors  of  his  house  to  meet  him.  The  victory 
is  won ;  his  daughter  comes  forth  to  meet  him,  and  Jephthah 
"did  with  her  according  to  the  vow  which  he  had  vowed" — 
words  which  yield  no  other  explanation  than  that  he  took 
her  life  upon  the  altar.  And  when  the  Ephraimites  seek  a 
quarrel  with  him  he  gathers  again  his  Gileadite  forces  and 
defeats  them  and  seizes  the  fords  of  the  Jordan ;  and  when 
the  fugitives  attempt  to  cross,  recognizing  them  by  the 
failure  to  pronounce  the  ''sh"  in  "shibboleth,"  which  be- 
comes on  their  tongues  ''sihholeth,"  he  causes  them  to  be 
put  to  death.  Jephthah  is  to  all  appearance  a  tribal  king  in 
Mizpeh  of  Gilead,  as  Abimelech  had  been  in  Shechem;  but 
he  had  gained  it  not  by  heredity,  but  by  conquest. 
Judg  13  to  16  85.     Samson.     With    the    stories   of   Samson   we   are 

transferred  to  the  southwestern  regions  of  Palestine,  the 
territory  bordering  on  the  Philistines.  Samson,  who  was  a 
Danite,  is  celebrated  for  two  things,  namely,  his  fondness 
for  Philistine  women  and  his  gigantic  strength,  both  of 
which  brought  him  into  trouble.  His  exploits  possess  all 
the  fascination  of  popular  heroism ;  and  the  stories  about 


CONQUEST  OF  PALESTINE  113 

him  must  have  delighted,  as  they  still  deHght,  those  fond  of 
a  good  story.  The  stories  hang  but  loosely  together  and 
most  probably  had  different  origins  before  they  were  col- 
lected into  their  present  setting.  The  source  of  his  strength 
is  ascribed  to  the  fact  that  he  was  a  Nazirite  from  his  birth, 
consecrated  to  Jehovah  and  filled  with  his  spirit;  but  it  is 
also  ascribed  to  his  unshaven  hair.  His  relations  with 
Philistine  women  are  regarded  as  a  providential  occasion 
to  harass  the  Philistines.  Little  or  nothing  of  historic  value 
accrued  from  the  exploits  of  his  misused  strength ;  and 
aside  from  the  light  the  stories  throw  upon  the  free  inter- 
course of  the  Israelites  with  the  Philistines,  they  furnish  no 
data  for  the  events  of  history  of  the  period.  What  Samson 
really  accomplished  was  to  stir  up  the  anger  of  the  Philis- 
tines, which  shows  itself  in  the  subsequent  period,  and  to 
which  the  stories  seem  to  be  the  transition. 

86.  The  Settlement  of  the  Danites.     In  most  striking  Judg  17, 18 
contrast   in   historic    importance   is   the   migration   of   the 
Danites  and  the  founding  of  the  northern  sanctuary  at  Dan 

by  the  sources  of  the  Jordan  (confer  Josh  19.  40-48). 
The  tribe  at  first  occupied  the  hill  country  in  the  southwest 
of  Ephraim  (Judg  i.  34)  where  it  was  hard  pressed  by  the 
Canaanites.  It  would  seem  that  at  some  considerably  later 
time  they  determine  to  seek  larger  quarters,  and  six  hundred 
of  their  armed  men  capture  ancient  Laish,  at  the  foot  of 
Mount  Hermon  and  call  the  new  settlement  Dan.  On  their 
way  northward  they  forcibly  appropriate  the  priest  and  the* 
sacred  paraphernalia  of  the  private  sanctuary  of  the  Ephrai- 
mite  Micah ;  by  means  of  which  they  found  the  sanctuary 
at  Dan. 

87.  The  Final  Settlement  of  the  Tribes.  It  v^ould 
seem,  then,  that  about  the  end  of  the  period  of  the  "Judges," 
and  during  a  period  of  two  centuries,  Israel  had  succeeded 
in  establishing  itself  firmly  upon  its  land,  in  so  amalgamating 
with  and  gaining  control  over  the  native  Canaanite  popula- 
tion as  to  be  really  masters  in  their  territory. 


114  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 
I.  Separate  in  your  Bible  the  earlier  and  later  accounts  of  Gideon. 
Read  each  account  separately  and  note  the  points  of  emphasis  in 
each. 

2.  Consider  the  history  of  Abimelech  from  the  point  of  view  of 
Jotham's  fable. 

3.  Consider  the  force  of  the  vow  in  Hebrew  life  (see  article 
"Vows"  in  Dictionary  of  the  Bible)  and  the  sacrifice  of  Jephthah's 
daughter. 

4.  Trace  the  movements  of  the  Danites  on  a  map  and  consider 
the  origin  of  the  sanctuary  at  Dan. 

5.  Draw  a  map  indicating  the  location  of  the  Hebrew  tribes  at  this 
time. 

6.  Consider  the  character  of  the  Judge  from  the  point  of  view 
of  (i)  his  function,  (2)  his  locaHty,  and  (3)  his  assumption  of 
royalty. 

4.  Social^  Moral,  and  Religious  Conditions  During  the 
Period  of  Occupation 

88.  The  Social  Life.  The  settlement  in  Palestine 
affected  the  life  of  the  Israelites  radically.  While  hitherto 
not  ignorant  of  field  labor,  they  became  now  agriculturists 
with  settled  abodes,  houses,  lands,  vineyards,  and  olive 
yards.  Plowing,  in  simple  fashion,  sowing  and  reaping, 
threshing  and  winnowing,  gathering  in  grains  and  fruits 
into  storehouses  became  the  general  activity  of  the  people, 
and  were  added  to  that  of  raising  cattle.  The  Israelites 
learned  from  the  Canaanites  the  culture  of  the  fig  and 
sycamore,  the  making  and  use  of  the  wine  and  olive  press, 
the  making  and  repairing  of  simple  agricultural  implements, 
and  the  making  of  simple  pottery.  The  houses  of  the  poorer 
classes  were  one-roomed  clay  huts,  shared  by  cattle,  with 
low  doors  and  small  openings  for  windows ;  they  had  no 
chimneys,  the  smoke  finding  its  way  out  of  these  openings. 
The  better  houses  were  built  of  sun-dried  brick  with  flat 
roofs.  The  furniture  consisted  of  low  tables  with  the  floor 
or  chairs  for  seats ;  the  room  was  lighted  or  heated  with  oil 
wicks  in  lamps  of  clay ;  fallen  leaves  or  the  bare  ground 


CONQUEST  OF  PALESTINE  115 

served  as  beds,  the  sleeper  lying  wrapped  up  in  his  outer 
garment ;  the  utensils  for  eating  and  drinking  were  of  wood 
or  clay,  but  later  of  metal.  The  chief  food  was  bread;  the 
flour  was  ground  in  a  hand  mill,  consisting  of  a  lower  con- 
cave and  an  upper  convex  round  stone  with  an  opening  on 
the  top,  and  turning  on  a  wooden  peg.  The  kneading  and 
leavening  were  done  in  a  wooden  bowl,  and  the  baking  in 
earthen  ovens,  heated  with  dried  dung  or  brush,  and  either 
by  laying  the  dough  on  heated  stones  or  by  slapping  it 
against  the  heated  sides  of  the  oven.  Other  foods  were 
garden  vegetables,  fruits  and  honey,  and  the  produce  of  the 
herds  and  flocks — meat  and  milk. 

The  clothing  consisted  of  a  lower  garment  of  linen  with- 
out sleeves  and  reaching  to  the  knees,  and  for  those  who 
could  afford  it  of  an  upper  garment  of  woolen  cloth  or 
leather;  sandals  were  worn,  and  a  heavy,  turbanlike  cover- 
ing for  the  head  as  a  protection  from  the  sun.  Both  men 
and  women  wore  earrings  as  amulets,  and  ornaments. 

At  first  village  life  predominated;  then  the  cities  built 
by  Canaanites  were  shared  with  the  native  population,  until 
they  also  became  Israelite.  The  cities  were  walled  and  had 
gates  fastened  with  brass  or  bronze.  Open  spaces  around 
the  gates  were  used  for  trading,  administration  of  justice, 
and  general  intercourse.  The  streets  were  narrow  and 
crooked,  dark,  dirty,  and  unpaved,  and  the  refuse  was 
thrown  upon  the  streets  to  the  dogs. 

The  family  occupied  among  the  Israelites  a  most  im- 
portant and  influential  position,  for  the  tribes  were  nothing 
more  than  the  aggregation  of  families.  The  family  was  the 
preserver  and  cultivator  of  religion,  morals,  and  law.  In 
historical  times  it  was  patriarchal ;  but  there  are  indications 
that  the  matriarchate  existed  at  one  time,  namely,  the  ease 
with  which  half-brother  and  sister  may  marry,  if  not  related 
on  the  mother's  side  (Gen  20.  12 ;  2  Sam  13.  13),  the  naming 
of  the  children  by  the  mother  (Gen  30.  6,  8,  11,  13),  and 
the  man's  marrying  into  the  family  of  his  wife  (Gen  2.  24). 


ii6  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

With  the  matriarchate  went  a  higher  position  of  woman, 
which  changed  with  the  prevalence  of  the  patriarchate. 
Marriage  was  a  contract  involving  the  purchase  of  the  bride, 
and  the  dowry  which  was  the  purchase  price  was  paid  to 
the  father.  Jacob,  for  instance,  serves  seven  years  each 
for  Leah  and  Rachel.  The  story  of  the  Benjamites  stealing 
their  wives  from  the  maidens  of  Shiloh  (Judg  21.  igi.) 
illustrates  the  earlier  custom  of  marriage  by  capture.  Both 
methods  tended  to  give  to  woman  a  dependent  position.  The 
desire  to  preserve  the  solidarity  of  the  clan  limited  marriage 
to  the  nearest  relatives,  and  there  are  early  instances  of 
marriage  with  the  wife  of  a  deceased  father,  with  sisters, 
of  marriage  of  nephew  and  aunt,  of  uncle  and  niece,  and  of 
half-brother  and  sister.  The  notion  of  the  purity  of  Hebrew 
blood  is  unhistorical ;  for  there  is  abundant  evidence  that 
they  intermarried  with  Canaanites,  Moabites,  Ammonites, 
Philistines,  and  other  peoples,  and  that  the  blood  of  national 
Israel  was  very  much  mixed. 

Polygamy  was  a  legal  institution,  but  practiced  only  by 
the  rich  who  could  afford  the  purchase  and  maintenance 
of  a  number  of  wives,  or  by  rulers  and  princes  who  sought 
by  their  marriages  with  other  princely  houses  to  strengthen 
their  own.  Bigamy  was  more  common,  and  due  to  childless- 
ness, old  age,  need  of  additional  household  help,  or  desire 
for  larger  family.  But  the  jealousies  and  rivalries  of  plural 
marriages  must  have  acted  somewhat  as  a  social  deterrent, 
and  it  is  significant  that  the  Hebrew  term  for  a  second  wife 
was  Zarah,  or  "enemy"  (confer  i  Sam  i.  6). 

The  marital  law  was  decidedly  laxer  for  man  than  for 
woman,  and  the  law  against  adultery,  as  the  meaning  of 
the  word  indicates,  was  in  the  interest  of  the  integrity  of  a 
man's  children.  But  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  these 
conditions  robbed  Hebrew  life  of  the  romantic  element,  and 
we  find  instances  that  point  to  highest  types  of  conjugal  love. 
The  children,  until  married,  were  under  the  absolute  control 
of  the  father;  sons  were  more  valued  than  daughters,  and 


CONQUEST  OF  PALESTINE  117 

the  first-born  son  stood  above  his  brothers  in  privileges  and 
duties.  Slaves  constituted  part  of  the  family,  and  whether 
of  native  or  foreign  origin  could  become  integral  parts  of 
it,  adopting  its  religion  and  even  sharing  in  inheritance. 

89.  Government.  From  what  has  been  said  it  is  evi- 
dent that  the  Hebrew  family  was  a  larger  and  more  hetero- 
geneous aggregation  than  is  commonly  known  as  a  family ; 
in  fact,  the  Hebrew  term  was  "house,"  and  it  constituted 
the  unit  in  political  organization.  The  head  of  the  family 
had  within  his  group  absolute  authority;  and  to  disobey  it 
carried  with  it  severance  from  the  group  and  its  protection. 
A  number  of  these  ^'houses"  constituted  the  clan,  at  whose 
head  stood  a  chieftain  somewhat  like  the  sheik  and  possess- 
ing a  rather  indefinite  authority ;  and  members  of  the  clan 
celebrated  together  their  sacrificial  feasts  at  their  common 
sanctuary.  A  number  of  such  clans  formed  the  tribe,  whose 
ruler  was  freely  chosen  from  those  who  had  distinguished 
themselves  by  bravery,  wisdom,  or  wealth ;  but  he  ruled 
only  by  consent  of  the  governed.  The  formation  of  the 
clans  and  tribes,  as  has  already  been  indicated,  was  still  in 
progress  in  this  period ;  the  struggle  for  foothold,  the  shift- 
ing of  locations,  and  the  joint  occupation  of  native  settle- 
ments, caused  a  conglomeration  of  various  elements,  of 
course  predominantly  Hebrew,  out  of  which  came  the  Israel 
of  Palestine.  This  explains  the  growth  of  some  tribes,  like 
Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  the  disappearance  of  others,  like 
Simeon  and  Levi,  and  the  formation  of  subtribes,  like  that 
of  Machir  or  Abiezer.  The  "twelve  tribes  of  Israel"  is 
evidently  only  an  artificial  enumeration ;  and  it  can  be  ob- 
tained only  by  omitting  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  or  by  count- 
ing Ephraim  and  Manasseh  as  one.  This  tribal  grouping 
had  its  origin  in  nomadic  life  and  was  well  fitted  for  it ;  but 
underwent  quite  naturally  gradual  modification  with  the 
settlement  in  Palestine.  As  well-defined  communities  arose, 
under  the  influence  of  the  example  of  Canaanite  cities,  muni- 
cipal organizations  were  effected ;  and  we  read  of  "elders 


ii8  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

of  the  city"  (Judg  8.  i6)  ;  and  out  of  the  need  of  concerted 
action  in  time  of  war  grew  the  tribal  champion  whose  leader- 
ship extended  beyond  that  of  his  own  tribe ;  and  out  of  the 
champion  grew  the  "Judge,"  or  arbiter,  in  time  of  peace; 
and  the  desire  for  greater  permanence  led  to  the  tribal 
kingship,  as  of  Gideon,  Jephthah,  and  particularly  Abime- 
lech. 

go.  Culture.  The  Canaanites  among  whom  the 
Hebrews  settled  had  reached  a  high  state  of  civilization ;  and 
that  the  latter  should  have  come  to  feel  its  influence  is  only 
natural.  It  is  probable  that  they  learned  from  them  not 
only  agriculture  and  the  simple  arts,  but  also  their  system 
of  weights  and  measures  and  the  mode  of  writing,  which 
the  Moabite  stone  shows  was  used  also  by  the  Moabites. 
The  remains  of  literature  that  have  been  preserved  from 
the  period  are  rather  meager.  It  was  not  a  time  of  ease  and 
leisure,  conducive  to  writing,  but  of  action,  and,  correspond- 
ingly, the  period  of  folklore,  whose  subject  was  the  heroic 
deeds  of  the  champions  of  the  conquest,  like  Gideon,  Jeph- 
thah, and  Samson.  It  was  during  this  period  that  the 
patriarchal  stories  probably  took  their  present  shape.  They 
are  associated  with  the  familiar  places  of  Palestine,  She- 
chem,  Bethel,  the  Jordan  valley,  Philistia,  Hebron,  and 
Beersheba.  Many  of  them  bear  the  marks  of  being  local 
legends.  They  concern  the  sites  of  ancient  sanctuaries, 
sacred  trees,  wells  and  springs,  and  ancestral  burial  places. 
In  these  very  localities,  which  had  now  come  into  their 
possession,  these  stories  were  told  and  retold,  passing 
through  oral  tradition,  and  taking  that  perfect  form  as 
stories  which  they  have  to-day.  But  written  literature  also 
has  come  down  to  us  from  this  period  in  the  beautiful  poem, 
the  Song  of  Deborah,  bearing  all  the  characteristics  of  the 
best  type  of  Hebrew  poetry ;  and  another  excellent  example 
of  another  type  of  literary  composition  is  furnished  us  in  the 
parable  of  Jotham. 

91.    Morals.     In   surveying  the   moral   conditions   of 


CONQUEST  OF  PALESTINE  119 

this  period  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  it  was  essentially 
the  age  of  conquest  and  pioneering  and  heroism ;  and  that 
the  sterner  elements  of  virtue  as  well  as  of  vice  showed 
themselves  most  prominently.  The  struggle  for  existence 
served  to  encourage  the  lower  animal  passions,  and  the  age 
for  the  practice  of  nobler  ideals  was  yet  to  come.  Ehud's 
murderous  thrust,  Jael's  treacherous  assassination  of  Sisera, 
Gideon's  blood-revenge,  Abimelech's  wholesale  slaughter  of 
his  rivals,  and  Samson's  wanton  cruelty  and  destructiveness 
reflect  a  time  when  might  was  right.  Micah's  theft  of  his 
mother's  silver,  and  the  Danites'  theft  of  the  stolen  goods 
and  the  thief,  and  all  of  it  in  the  interest  of  religion,  are  not 
wholesome  examples  of  either  religion  or  ethics.  Samson's 
fondness  for  Philistine  women  and  the  lust  of  the  men  of 
Gibeah  (Judg  19.  22-26)  reveal  glimpses  of  a  most  degraded 
state  of  social  virtue.  But  there  is  a  brighter  aspect,  for 
the  Hebrews  could  never  have  succeeded  in  conquering  and 
absorbing  the  older  civilization  of  the  Canaanites  unless  they 
had  possessed  superior  physical  and  moral  qualities.  Chief 
among  them  were  courage,  fortitude,  aggressiveness,  and 
most  probably  abstinence  from  the  use  of  intoxicants,  for 
wine-drinking  is  associated  with  wine  culture  and  is  agri- 
cultural ;  and,  as  the  story  of  the  Rechabites  shows,  is  not  a 
habit  with  nomadic  or  pastoral  people.  Temperate  habits 
they  had  brought  with  them  into  Palestine,  and  intemperance 
they  did  not  acquire  until  later  in  contact  with  the  native 
population.  In  the  earlier  times  their  freedom  from  this 
vice  was  an  important  asset  to  their  conquering  powers. 

92.  Religion.  But  Israel's  chief  inspiration  was  its 
faith  in  Jehovah.  Hebrew  traditions  persist  in  the  thought 
that  Palestine  is  the  promised  land  to  the  Hebrews  and  that 
the  wars  of  conquest  were  the  work  of  Jehovah,  hence  they 
who  failed  to  participate  ''Came  not  to  the  help  of  Jehovah 
.  .  .  against  the  mighty";  and  hence  the  war  cry,  "For 
Jehovah  and  for  Gideon!"  But  the  conception  of  Jehovah 
is  simple.     He  is  believed  to  reside  still  on  Sinai,  and  to 


I20  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

come  thence  to  fight  for  his  people  (Judg  5.  4f.)  ;  to  accept 
the  sacrifice  of  human  beings  (Judg  11.  34-40  and  compare 
Gen  22.  1-19),  and  to  inspire  Samson  with  the  "Spirit  of 
Jehovah"  to  accomplish  the  deeds  of  violence  and  revenge. 
Sacred  places  are  numerous  and  scattered  over  the  entire 
land — at  Dan,  Ophrah,  Shechem,  Shiloh,  and  private  sanctu- 
aries also  existed  (Judg  17).  Anyone  may  act  as  priest, 
though  a  Levite  is  preferred  (Judg  17.  sfif.)-  The  divinity 
was  represented  by  an  image,  an  ephod  (Judg  8.  2"]',  17. 
3ff.),  and  teraphim,  probably  households  idols  (but  confer 
Section  65)  were  also  used.  The  nature  of  the  religious 
festival  at  the  sacred  shrines  is  illustrated  by  the  dance  of 
the  maidens  of  Shiloh  at  the  annual  ''feast  of  Jehovah,"  and 
the  pilgrimage  of  Elkanah  and  his  family  (Judg  21.  i6fif. ; 
I  Sam  i).  That  the  Hebrews  came  strongly  under  the  in- 
fluence of  Canaanite  religions  can  scarcely  be  doubted. 
Many  of  their  ancient  sanctuaries  and  "high  places"  they 
adopted,  with  all  their  characteristic  paraphernalia — altars 
and  asherahs,  or  sacred  po^ts.  The  Canaanite  conception 
of  Baal  as  ''Lord"  of  the  land  and  the  dispenser  of  its  fruit- 
fulness  was  transferred  by  them  to  Jehovah,  as  is  clearly 
seen  by  such  names  as  Jerubbaal,  Gideon's  real  name  (Judg 
7.  I ) .  But  this  change  took  place  gradually,  and  its  baneful 
effects  became  apparent  only  later  on,  when  it  aroused  the 
prophetic  religious  zeal  of  an  Elijah  and  an  Elisha.  But 
at  this  time  the  harm  was  scarcely  yet  visible ;  the  change 
apparently  was  made  with  the  sanction  and  by  the  example 
of  Israelite  leaders,  and  the  conception  of  the  "framework" 
in  Judges,  regarding  Israel's  defection  from  Jehovah  to 
Baal,  is  the  true  judgment  of  a  time  that  understood  what 
the  adoption  of  Canaanite  religious  ideas  and  customs  had 
done  for  Israel. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Review  the  period  of  conquest  and  settlement. 

2.  Consider  the  changes  the  period  brought  to  the  Hebrews  and 
note  the  state  of  social  culture  they  had  now  reached. 


CONQUEST  OF  PALESTINE  121 

3.  Make  an  estimate  of  the  morals  of  this  period  and  consider 
by  what  forces  the  Hebrews  conquered. 

4.  Consider  the  religious  ideas  and  customs  of  this  period:  (i) 
Were  they  joyous  or  grievous?  (2)  How  did  they  differ  from  those 
of  Mosaic  times?    See  Section  69. 


CHAPTER  VI 
THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  MONARCHY 

I.    Samuel  and  Saul 

93.  The  Philistine  Aggressions.  The  development  of 
Hebrew  national  life  culminated  materially  in  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  national  monarchy,  and  the  chief  charac- 
ters associated  with  it  were  Samuel,  Saul,  David,  and 
Solomon ;  and  the  contributory  causes  were  the  dangers 
that  threatened  Israel's  existence  by  the  Philistine  aggres- 
sions, and  the  leadership  of  Samuel. 

In  Judges  we  have  already  met  Shamgar  and  Samson 
as  champions  of  Israel  against  the  Philistines ;  but  they 
were  evidently  but  the  forebodings  of  the  storm  yet  to 
come.  It  broke  out  in  full  force  in  the  days  of  Samuel. 
The  Philistines,  like  the  Hebrews,  were  immigrants  in 
Palestine.  The  prophet  Amos  (9.  7)  says  that  Jehovah 
had  brought  the  Philistines  from  Caphtor  as  he  had  brought 
the  Israelites  from  Egypt.  Now  the  Philistines,  a  non- 
Semitic  people,  had  arrived  somewhat  earlier,  probably 
from  Asia  Minor  and  the  Greek  islands,  and  had  adopted 
the  language  of  the  Canaanites  and  their  customs,  except 
circumcision.  They  had  settled  down  in  that  rich  section 
of  coast  land  west  of  the  Judaean  hills,  and,  in  addition 
to  agriculture,  were  engaged  in  mercantile  pursuits,  their 
chief  cities  lying  on  the  great  highway  between  the 
Euphrates  and  the  Nile.  It  would  seem  that  it  was  the 
very  same  desire  that  prompted  Israel  to  spread  in  Canaan 
that  brought  the  Philistines  into  conflict  with  them.  For  in 
pushing  their  conquests  the  Philistines  would  naturally 
seek  to  move  along  the  highway  to  Damascus  and  the 
Euphrates  that  lay  along  the  coast  and  the  plain  of  Jezreel. 

122 


C<>i:>iigb(,  l»be  ud  1912,  fc;  Cbulej  fonai  Ktot 


I,  N<w  Voik  Uid  CimiLuati 


UNITED  AND  DIVIDED  HEBREW  KINGDOMS.  1050-586  B.  C. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  MONARCHY     123 

It  was   in  this   section   of  country,   at   Aphek,   where  the   i  Sam  4.  i  to  7. 2 
battle  was   fought  that  brought   Israel  a  repeated  defeat, 
the  death  of  their  aged  priest  and  judge,  Eli,  and  the  loss 
of  "the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  Jehovah." 

The  story  of  the  fortunes  of  the  ark  possesses  a  unique 
interest.  The  sacred  object  possesses  magic  power,  and, 
although  the  spoil  of  war,  really  lords  it  over  the  Philis- 
tines. They  do  not  know  what  to  do  with  it,  and  in  the 
end  are  glad  to  get  rid  of  it.  It  is  just  such  a  story  as 
the  Hebrew  would  wish  to  tell  to  show  the  sorry  plight 
of  the  uncircumcised  Philistines.  We  are  not  told  why 
the  ark  was  not  returned  to  its  original  home  in  Shiloh, 
and  it  appears  a  legitimate  conclusion  that  the  reason  was 
that  the  Philistines  had  destroyed  the  place.  The  city  is 
not  mentioned  again  in  subsequent  history,  and  Jeremiah 
(7.  12,  14;  26.  6)  refers  to  it  repeatedly  as  an  illustration 
of  destruction.  The  Philistine  victory  involved  apparently 
the  subjugation  of  central  Palestine  and  particularly  the 
countries  of  the  tribes  of  Joseph  including  Benjamin,  and 
its  lasting  success  would  have  been  disastrous  to  Israel. 
The  Philistine  aggression  thus  meant  a  crisis,  requiring  apt 
leadership  and  united  action. 

94.  Samuel  and  the  Kingship.  The  leading  figure  of  iSarngton 
this  crucial  time  is  Samuel.  He  must  have  been  a  man  of 
great  foresight  and  commanding  influence,  for  it  was  he 
who  brought  about  the  kingship  of  both  Saul  and  David; 
and  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  cope  with  this  Philistine 
situation,  in  which  Saul  failed  but  David  succeeded.  Our 
biblical  sources  give  us  a  double  and  rather  variant  view 
of  the  character  and  achievement  of  Samuel,  and  very 
much  of  the  same  type  as  that  we  have  met  in  the  previous 
chapter.  The  one  view  accords  naturally  with  the  proba- 
bilities of  history,  but  the  other  embodies  the  reflection  of 
subsequent  history,  and  both  may  be  seen  strikingly  illus- 
trated in  its  attitude  toward  the  establishment  of  the  king- 
ship in  Israel. 


124  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

According  to  the  earlier  account,  Samuel  is  a  seer 
(choseh)  and  a  priest  possessing  divinely  given  powers — 
clairvoyance;  he  meets  Saul,  a  Benjamite  distinguished  by 
a  fine  reserve  and  stature,  and  of  noble  family,  who  is  in 
search  of  his  father's  asses  and  comes  to  Samuel  to  inquire 
for  them.  Samuel,  guided  by  a  divine  insight,  recognizes 
in  Saul  the  man  for  the  crisis  who  will  save  the  people 
"out  of  the  hands  of  the  Philistines."  He  makes  Saul 
stay  with  him  and  talks  over  with  him  the  situation,  treats 
him  with  distinction  at  the  sacrificial  meal  at  the  high 
place,  takes  him  home  with  him,  and  in  the  morning  secretly 
anoints  him  king,  giving  him  certain  directions  and  signs 
for  guidance.  This  interview  with  Samuel  made  a  most 
profound  impression  upon  Saul  and  is  significantly  de- 
scribed in  the  words :  *'And  it  was  so,  that,  when  he  had 
turned  his  back  to  go  from  Samuel,  God  gave  him  another 
heart"  (lo.  9).  Samuel's  signs  come  true;  and  Saul  meets 
a  band  of  enthusiasts,  called  prophets,  who  under  the 
influence  of  music  give  vent  to  their  enthusiasm  in  physical 
demonstrations;  he  falls  under  their  influence  and  joins 
with  them  in  their  actions,  and  so  "Is  Saul  also  among  the 
prophets?"  (For  another  later  version  of  this  saying, 
see  19.  18-24.) 

Saul  keeps  Samuel's  instructions  to  himself,  but  a  month 
later  the  occasion  arises  when  they  prompt  him  to  action. 
The  city  of  Jabesh  in  Gilead  is  besieged  by  the  Ammonites 
and  is  in  danger  of  shameful  surrender.  The  elders  of 
the  city  send  messengers  to  the  trans-Jordan  tribes  for  aid; 
but  while  it  makes  them  break  out  into  tears,  it  fails  to  stir 
them  to  action.  But  when  Saul  hears  of  it  the  spirit  of 
Jehovah  rushes  upon  him,  and  his  anger  is  greatly  aroused ; 
he  takes  a  yoke  of  oxen,  with  which  he  apparently  is 
plowing,  cuts  them  in  pieces,  and  sends  these  bloody  tokens 
throughout  all  the  territory  of  Israel  with  the  words: 
"Whosoever  cometh  not  forth  after  Saul  and  after  Samuel, 
so  shall  it  be  done  to  his  oxen."    Inspired  by  his  courage, 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  MONARCHY     125 

the  tribes  arise  **as  one  man,"  defeat  the  Ammonites,  and 
bring  reHef  to  Jabesh-Gilead.  And  the  most  natural  conse- 
quence of  this  victory  of  Saul  is  his  election  to  the  kingdom 
at  Gilgal. 

This  account,  which,  it  must  be  remembered,  is  dis- 
tinguished by  its  own  literary  character,  is  consistent  with 
itself  and  the  historical  situation.  The  kingship  was  nothing 
new  in  Israel;  the  former  champions  became  rulers,  and 
the  rulers,  as  in  the  case  of  Gideon,  Jephthah,  and  Abime- 
lech,  more  or  less  kings.  Samuel,  therefore,  acts  in  strict 
accord  with  the  natural  development  in  Israel,  when  he,  on 
his  own  initiative  and  under  providential  guidance,  anoints 
Saul  king  in  order  to  cope  better  with  the  national  danger 
due  to  the  Philistine  aggressions. 

According  to  the  second  account,  however,  Samuel  is  a 
*'Judge"  who  in  his  old  age  has  appointed  his  sons  judges 
after  him.  The  elders  of  Israel,  dissatisfied  with  them 
and  desiring  to  have  a  monarchy  like  the  surrounding 
nations,  ask  Samuel  to  appoint  them  a  king.  He  regards 
this  demand  as  a  most  serious  offense,  religiously  equivalent 
to  a  rejection  of  the  Kingship  of  Jehovah  himself,  and 
politically  a  serious  blunder,  for  which  the  people  will 
have  to  pay  dearly.  Jehovah's  anger  over  the  demand  is 
demonstrated  by  thunder  and  rain  in  harvest  time,  and 
the  destruction  of  Israel  is  averted  only  by  the  intercession 
of  Samuel.  The  method  employed  in  choice  of  the  king 
is  the  lot;  and  it  falls  miraculously  upon  Saul,  who  is  then 
made  king;  and  Samuel  provides  the  people  with  a  consti- 
tution of  the  monarchy. 

The  second  account  bears  all  the  characteristics  of  the  i  Sam  7.  15  to  s. 
Deuteronomic  portion  of  the  book  of  Judges;  it  is  written  ^^'  _'°*  ^^~^'*' 
from  the  later  point  of  view  of  theocracy  and  out  of  the 
experience  of  the  religious  and  political  evils  that  the 
kingship  had  brought  with  it ;  and  it  fits  in  with  the  scheme 
of  the  '"Judges"  that  underlies  the  "framework"  of  the  book 
of  Judges,  in  which  evidently  Eli  and   Samuel  were  in- 


7.  2-13 


126  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

eluded.  In  the  same  vein  are  the  stories  of  the  childhood 
I  Sam  1  to 4.'ia;  and  call  of  Samuel  in  the  house  of  Eli  (i  Sam  i  to  4.  la), 
and  the  sweeping  and  marvelous  victory  over  the  Philis- 
tines, anticipating  the  work  of  Saul  (7.  3-17).  They  are 
written  with  reference  to  religious  instruction  and  recog- 
nize and  emphasize  the  divine  elements  in  history.  Samuel 
is  not  merely  the  product  of  chance,  but  a  child  born  in 
answer  to  prayer,  dedicated  in  early  life  to  God's  service, 
called  of  God  to  carry  forward  his  purposes;  and  Israel's 
oppression  by  the  Philistines  is  due  to  their  sin  of  forsaking 
Jehovah  and  worshipping  the  gods  of  Canaan  and  their 
victory  over  their  enemies  brought  about  by  God's  favor 
on  their  repentance  in  the  sending  of  a  divinely  raised 
champion. 
I  Sam  i3f.  95-  Saul's  Victory  Over  the  Philistines.    Saul  had  been 

chosen  king  to  deal  with  the  Philistines,  who  were  masters 
in  central  Palestine,  but,  probably  conscious  of  the  diffi- 
culties, he  proceeded  cautiously.  The  war  broke  out  un- 
expectedly through  his  son  Jonathan,  who  struck  do\vn  the 
Phihstine  garrison  in  his  own  town  of  Gibeah.  The  Philis- 
tines now  invaded  Palestine  and  encamped  at  Michmash, 
which  is  opposite  Gibeah,  but  separated  from  it  by  the  deep 
pass  that  forms  the  entrance  to  the  mountains  in  the  south. 
Saul  was  at  Gibeah,  but  had  only  six  hundred  men  at  his 
disposal.  The  Philistines  had  cut  off  the  approach  from 
the  north  and  were  plundering  the  country  in  all  direc- 
tions. Saul's  outlook  was  not  encouraging;  but  Jonathan 
saved  the  day.  He  conceived  the  idea  of  crossing  over  the 
pass  and  attacking  the  Philistine  guards  at  Michmash.  He 
and  his  armor-bearer  descended  the  steep  cliffs  into  the 
valley,  and  climbed  up  the  other  side  on  hands  and  feet. 
The  Philistine  guards  were  dumfounded  at  the  daring 
deed  and  easily  overcome;  and  the  whole  Philistine  army 
was  thrown  into  a  panic.  Saul,  who  perceived  the  com- 
motion in  the  Phihstine  camp,  and  learned  its  cause,  now 
attacks  the  enemies  and  scatters  them.     Desiring  to  make 


IS 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  MONARCHY     127 

a  full  end  of  them,  he  rashly  forswears  the  people  from 
tasting  food  until  evening,  which  ultimately  has  most  dis- 
astrous consequences :  the  people  faint  and  gorge  them- 
selves with  raw  flesh;  and  Jonathan,  who  had  not  heard 
his  father's  vow  and  had  tasted  some  honey,  nearly  fell 
the  victim  of  his  folly.  But  the  Philistines  were  driven 
from  central  Palestine.  Their  yoke  was  broken,  and  Saul's 
choice  as  king  had  found  justification;  but  that  the  victory 
was  only  partial  and  not  lasting  is  seen  from  subsequent 
history. 

96.  SamueFs  Break  with  Saul.  Since  Saul  had  met  i  Sam  15;  13.  s- 
with  success  against  the  Ammonites  in  the  eastern,  and  the 
Philistines  in  central,  Palestine,  he  now  proceeds  against 
the  Amalekites  in  the  south.  He  wins  a  complete  victory 
and  slays  all  the  people;  he  saves  the  best  of  the  spoil  and 
King  Agag,  whom  Samuel  hews  to  pieces  "before  Jehovah 
in  Gilgal."  The  Deuteronomic  editor  also  ascribes  to  Saul 
conquests  over  Edom,  Moab,  and  even  the  Aramaeans 
(i  Sam  14.  47). 

It  is  quite  eviden.  that  after  a  time  Samuel  breaks  with 
Saul.  There  are  two  reasons  assigned  for  it.  According  to 
one,  he  disobeyed  Samuel  in  not  showing  sufficient  zeal  in 
enacting  the  ban  on  the  Amalekites,  and  according  to 
another  he  did  not  wait  for  the  sacrifice  until  Samuel  had 
come.  If  they  are  the  real  reasons,  Saul  was  not  really 
king,  but  Samuel.  But  the  accounts  appear  more  an  attempt 
to  find  the  reason  than  the  reason  itself,  which  has  to  be 
sought  below  such  symptoms.  Saul  does  not  seem  to  have 
come  up  to  the  expectation  of  Samuel  and  the  religious 
element  which  he  represented.  There  is  a  strange  silence 
as  to  what  Saul  did  in  the  interests  of  the  ark;  and  he 
appears  no  longer  in  touch  with  the  prophetic  bands  of 
enthusiastic  patriots.  But  the  break  came  and  embittered 
Saul's  later  life,  affecting  his  spirit  and  energy,  and  showing 
itself  in  fitful  turns  of  anger,  jealousy,  and  melancholia. 
We  are  told  that  "the  spirit  of  Jehovah  departed  from  Saul, 


128  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

and  an  evil  spirit  from  Jehovah  troubled  him,"  (i6.  14). 
His  public  life  is  now  practically  ended,  and  he  is  over- 
shadowed by  his  rival  David.  Saul's  character  and  achieve- 
ments must  be  judged  in  the  light  of  the  conditions  of 
his  time. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Do  not  neglect  to  read  first  the  Scripture  passages  indicated  in 
the  margin  of  the  textbook. 

2.  Consider  the  influence  of  the  Philistines  on  Hebrew  history  of 
this  period. 

3.  Note  the  earlier  and  later  views  of  the  character  and  mission 
of  Samuel. 

4.  Trace  on  a  map  the  sites  of  Saul's  victory  over  the  Philistines. 

5.  Consider  the  causes  of  Samuel's  break  with  Saul. 

2.    The  Rise  of  David 

I  Sam  16  to  18  97-     David  at   the   Court   of   Saul.     There   are   three 

passages  in  First  Samuel  relating  to  David's  appearance  at 
the  court  of  Saul:  i.  Ch.  16.  1-13,  containing  the  account 
of  Samuel's  mission  to  Bethlehem  and  the  anointing  of 
David.  It  is,  as  it  were,  the  prelude  in  which  Jehovah's 
purpose  appears  as  the  motif  of  all  that  follows.  If  we 
take  it  not  as  a  later  reflection,  based  upon  David's  success, 
Saul's  jealousy  and  pursuit  of  David  had  good  grounds. 
2.  Ch.  16.  14-23,  stating  that  David,  well  known  as  "skill- 
ful, a  mighty  man  of  valor,"  was  called  to  Saul  to  bring 
him  relief  by  his  playing  on  the  harp.  3.  Ch.  17,  the 
story  of  David's  killing  of  Goliath.  The  difficulties  with 
the  last  story  are  that  after  David  is  said  to  be  a  "mighty 
man  of  valor  and  a  man  of  war,"  he  is  again  a  youth  and 
a  stripling;  that  after  he  has  been  at  the  court  of  Saul 
he  is  not  known  to  Saul  nor  to  Abner;  that  David  takes 
the  head  of  Goliath  and  brings  it  to  Jerusalem  before  he 
had  captured  Jerusalem,  and  that  the  slaying  of  Goliath 
is  ascribed  to  one  named  Elhanan  (2  Sam  21.  19).^ 

But  it  appears  most  probable  that  David  was  drawn  to 

1  The  Chronicler  who  saw  this  difficulty  tried  to  straighten  it  out  by  inserting  the 
firother  of  Goliath  (i  Chron.  20.  5). 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  MONARCHY     129 

the  court  of  Saul  to  serve  him  both  as  player  and  warrior; 
that  a  strong  friendship  grew  up  between  him  and  Jonathan 
at  the  court;  that  Saul's  jealousy  was  aroused  against 'him 
when  the  women  sang: 

"Saul  hath  slam  his  thousands, 
And  David  his  ten  thousands," 

and  that  he  attempted  in  various  ways  to  get  rid  of  him; 
and  all  the  more  so  as  he  became  the  favorite  of  the  people 
and  in  his  own  household.  For  Michal,  Saul's  daughter, 
loved  him,  and  David  became  the  king's  son-in-law.  That 
his  son  and  daughter  conspired  to  aid  David  against  their 
father  was  not  calculated  to  quiet  his  nervous  and  jealous 
disposition,  and  only  led  him  to  greater  persistency  in  plan- 
ning the  destruction  of  his  rival.  Thus,  David  was  forced  to 
leave  the  king's  court. 

98.  David's  Outlaw  Life.  The  accounts  of  David's 
flight  and  outlaw  life  are  rather  full  and  redundant  at 
some  points,  and  a  number  of  incidents  are  given  in  double 
and  variant  forms.  His  flight  to  Samuel  in  Ramah  (19. 
18-24)  is  a  variant  version  of  the  proverb,  'Ts  Saul  also 
among  the  prophets?"  (10.  10-12.)  The  flight  to  Achish, 
king  of  Gath  (21.  10-15),  where  he  saves  himself  by 
feigning  madness,  is  difficult  to  reconcile  with  his  later 
vassalship  to  the  same  king  (27.  3ff.).  Similarly,  David's 
betrayal  by  the  Ziphites  and  his  generous  sparing  of  Saul's 
life,  are  given  in  variant  versions  in  23.  19  to  24.  22,  and  26 
respectively.  But  aside  from  these  double  accounts,  we 
have  rather  full  and  clear  data  for  this  period  of  David's 
life. 

After  leaving  his  house  in  Gibeah  David  secretly  meets  i  Sam  19  to  aa 
Jonathan,  who  assures  him  of  his  father's  determination 
to  kill  him  and  of  his  own  friendship  and  loyalty  (i9f). 
Proceeding  southward,  he  comes  to  Nob,  situated  a  short 
distance  north  of  Jerusalem,  where  the  priest,  Ahimelech, 
a  descendant  of  the  house  of  Eli,  innocently  aids  him  with 


I30  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

food  and  the  sword  of  Goliath,  for  which  service  the  whole 
priestly  family  is  executed  by  Saul,  except  Abiathar,  who 
escapes  and  joins  David,  bringing  his  oracular  ephod  with 
him  (21.  1-9;  22.  6-23).  At  the  cave  of  Adullam,  to  be 
identified  probably  with  Ad-el-ma  in  Wady  es-Sur,  his 
clan  join  him  and  other  outlaws,  and  he  becomes  the  cap- 
tain of  four  hundred  men  (22.  i,  2)  ;  he  finds  asylum  for 
his  parents  in  Mizpeh  of  Moab;  and  removes  to  the  forest 
I  Sam  23. 1-14  of  Hereth  (vv.  3-5).  Three  or  four  miles  south  of  the 
cave  of  Adullam  lay  the  old  Judaean  town  of  Keilah.  The 
Philistines  were  besieging  it  and  robbing  its  threshing  floors. 
This  gives  David  an  excellent  opportunity  to  aid  his  kins- 
men and  inflict  a  blow  upon  the  Philistines,  both  of  which 
he  accomplished  in  the  relief  of  Keilah;  but  he  fails  to 
find  safety  for  himself  and  his  men  who  had  by  now 
grown  to  six  hundred  (23.  1-14).  He  consequently  re- 
I  Sam  23.  19  to  moves  to  the  region  of  Ziph  in  southeastern  Judah,  from 
^^'  ^^'  ^  whence  escape  into  the  rocky  wilderness  was  easy.     In  this 

region,  where  David  appeared  much  at  home,  he  succeeds 
in  outwitting  the  pursuing  Saul  and  showing  himself 
generous  toward  him. 

In  this  region  also  occurred  the  romantic  episode  that 
led  to  his  marriage  with  Abigail.  It  appears  that  David 
exacted  a  certain  tribute  for  the  support  of  his  company 
in  return  for  services  he  rendered  in  protecting  the  property 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  neighborhood.  Nabal,  whose 
name  means  *'fool,"  was  one  of  the  wealthiest  land  owners 
of  the  region,  and  when  David  heard  that  he  was  sheep- 
shearing  near  by,  asked  for  a  share  of  the  provisions. 
Nabal  had  sent  a  churlish  answer,  and  David  was  about  to 
punish  him  for  it,  when  his  wife  Abigail  took  matters  into 
her  own  hands  and  brought  David  a  rich  present  in  person. 
Her  comely  manner  so  pleased  David  that,  when  her  hus- 
band soon  afterward  died,  he  married  her.  By  this  mar- 
riage David  came  not  only  into  rich  possessions,  but  became 
allied  with  an  influential  clan  of  the  land  of  Judah.  Another 


2; 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  MONARCHY     131 

marriage  in  the  same  neighborhood  is  recorded  with 
Ahinoam  of  Jezreel  (25.  2-44). 

99.  David  Among  the  Philistines.     Seemingly  becom-   ,sam27to28 
ing  tired  of  the  fugitive  life,  David  decided  to  settle  among  '^f. 
the  Philistines.     He  became  the  vassal  of  Achish,  king  of 

Gath,  who  assigned  to  him  the  town  of  Ziklag,  commonly 
identified  with  a  place  about  eleven  miles  southeast  of 
Gaza.  Here  he  played  the  double  role  of  pretending  to 
make  raids  on  Judah  while  making  them  on  the  Bedouin 
tribes  of  the  Negeb  (ch.  2^).  When  the  Philistines  invaded 
central  Palestine  David  joined  the  expedition  (28.  i,  2). 
But  when  encamped  in  the  enemy's  country,  the  Philistines 
became  suspicious  of  his  loyalty  and  forced  him  to  return. 
Having  returned  to  Ziklag,  he  found  it  sacked  and  burned 
by  the  Amalekites.  David  overtook  the  raiders,  defeated 
them,  and  brought  back  his  own  and  also  much  spoil,  of 
which  he  sent  gifts  to  the  elders  of  Judah  (29f.). 

100.  The  Philistine  Victory  and  the  Death  of  Saul,   isamas.  la;  38. 
In   the   meanwhile   Saul's   affairs   were   constantly   getting  ^~^^''  ^^ 
worse.    Samuel  had  died;  and  Saul  had  wasted  his  efforts 

to  hunt  down  his  rival.  The  Philistines  were  again  in  the 
land.  Their  army  was  encamped  in  the  valley  of  the 
Kishon,  and  Saul's  along  the  mountains  of  Gilboa.  As 
was  his  custom,  he  endeavored  to  find  some  oracular  assur- 
ance of  the  outcome  of  the  approaching  conflict.  But 
wherever  he  turned  there  was  no  ray  of  light.  Neither  in 
his  dreams,  nor  by  the  priestly  oracle,  nor  by  prophetic 
word  could  he  find  a  favorable  response.  In  his  distress  he 
turned  to  what  in  his  better  moments  he  had  himself 
proscribed  as  superstitious,  a  woman  who  professed  to  be 
in  communication  with  the  spirits  of  the  dead,  that  he 
might  obtain  through  her  a  word  of  hope  from  Samuel. 
But  the  voice  of  the  dead  was  made  to  speak  in  the  note 
of  the  living — that  the  outlook  was  dark;  and  Saul  went 
out  that  night  without  hope  to  meet  the  Philistines  in  battle 
on  the  morrow.     With  leadership   in   such  despair,   what 


132  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

else  could  the  outcome  be?  Israel  was  defeated,  Saul's 
three  sons  slain,  and  he  himself,  rather  than  fall  into  the 
hands  of  his  enemies,  fell  on  his  own  sword.  The  Philis- 
tines found  him  dead;  carried  off  his  head  as  a  trophy, 
and  hung  his  body  on  the  wall  of  Beth-shan.  But  the  men 
of  Jabesh-Gilead,  who  had  not  forgotten  that  the  first  act 
of  his  career  was  to  come  to  their  rescue,  gave  the  king 
and  his  princes  burial. 

loi.  The  Achievements  and  Character  of  Saul.  How 
shall  we  justly  estimate  Saul?  His  mission  to  aid  Israel  to 
throw  off  the  Philistine  yoke  he  had  failed  to  accomplish. 
Why?  Saul  had  zeal,  courage,  enthusiasm,  and  devotion, 
but  he  lacked  in  perseverance  and  good  judgment.  His 
rash  vow,  which  nearly  led  to  the  sacrifice  of  Jonathan, 
and  the  slaughter  of  the  Gibeonites  (2  Sam  21.  i)  show 
lack  of  balance.  His  religious  enthusiasm  had  not  suffi- 
cient depth.  He  was  too  individualistic;  he  might  have 
said,  like  another  monarch,  'T  am  the  state."  This  was 
the  cause  of  the  outstanding  fault  of  jealousy,  for  he 
estimated  everything  by  the  effects  on  himself.  He  was  not 
great  enough  to  lose  himself  in  a  greater  cause  or  to  submit 
his  will  to  that  of  another,  or  to  see  others  succeed,  and  had 
the  capacity  to  make  enemies  more  easily  than  friends.  He 
was  a  soldier  rather  than  a  general,  and  had  the  narrow 
outlook  of  a  peasant  rather  than  that  of  a  king.  Much  of 
the  failure,  no  doubt,  was  due  to  his  malady,  which,  how- 
ever, was  both  cause  and  effect.  Yet  he  did  not  labor 
altogether  in  vain.  His  victories  over  the  Ammonites, 
Philistines,  and  Amalekites  showed  what  could  be  done 
under  efficient  leadership,  and  in  this  respect  he  prepared 
the  way  for  his  successor. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

I.  Compare  the  various  accounts  of  David's  appearance  at  the 
court  of  Saul  and  consider  the  qualities  likely  to  bring  David  into 
prominence. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  MONARCHY     133 

2.  Follow  on  a  map  David's  movements  during  his  outlaw  life  and 
among  the  Philistines. 

3.  Consider  the  various  causes  leading  to  Saul's  defeat  and  death. 

4.  Estimate  the  character  and  achievements  of  Saul  as  compared 
with  his  predecessors. 

3.    David,  King  of  Judah 

102.  David*s   Grief   Over   the    Death   of   Saul.      Our  2  Sam  1 

biblical  historian,  who  writes  in  the  interest  of  King  David's 
great  personality,  records  the  effect  that  Saul's  death  had 
upon  David  before  he  states  the  effect  it  had  upon  national 
Israel.  The  impression  that  the  biblical  account  as  a  whole 
makes  in  reference  to  David's  relations  to  Saul  is  that 
though  he  is  fully  aware  that  he  is  the  rightful  successor  of 
Saul,  he  will  leave  the  matter  in  the  hands  of  Providence, 
and  take  no  step  which  would  hasten  his  kingship  while 
Saul  is  alive.  Consistent  with  this  view  is  the  account  of 
the  effect  which  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Gilboa  had 
upon  him.  He  receives  it,  not  as  the  welcome  report  of  the 
death  of  an  enemy,  but  as  the  sad  tidings  of  the  death  of 
a  friend  and  of  disaster  to  Israel.  The  bearer  does  not 
receive  the  reward  which  he  evidently  expected,  but,  rather, 
the  punishment  merited  by  one  who,  on  his  own  confession, 
had  "slain  Jehovah's  anointed."  David  weeps  and  fasts 
and  mourns  the  loss  in  an  elegy  of  highest  poetic  merit. 
There  is  no  reason  to  suspect  the  genuineness  of  this  grief, 
although  his  death  served  to  make  David's  progress  easier. 

103.  David  Made  King  of  Judah  at  Hebron.  Nor  did  2  Sam  2. 1-7,  n; 
David's  grief  hinder  him  from  taking  a  step  forward  in 
his  ambition.  He  removes  to  Hebron,  where  the  men  of 
Judah  anoint  him  king.  He  certainly  creates  a  friendly 
feeling  by  sending  a  congratulatory  message  to  the  men 
of  Jabesh-Gilead  for  burying  Saul.  At  Hebron  David 
remains  seven  years  and  a  half,  and  his  household  increases 
there  to  six  wives  and  six  sons. 

104.  Esh-Baal,  Saul's  Successor.     The  Philistine  vie-  2  sam  2. 12  to  3. 
tory  had  driven   Saul's  army  to  the   east  of   the  Jordan 


3. 3-5 


i;  3-  6-39 


134  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

where  it  was  rallied  by  Abner,  Saul's  general,  in  Gilead. 
Esh-baal  (i  Chron  8.  33;  9.  39),  changed  later  in  derision 
into  Ish-bosheth  (Baal  becoming  hosheth,  ''the  shameful 
thing"),  a  young  son  of  Saul  who  had  escaped  slaughter, 
and  probably  a  minor,  was  made  king  in  Gilead,  with  Abner 
as  the  regent.  There  are  now  two  kingdoms  in  Israel,  one 
in  Gilead  and  one  in  Judah,  both  subject  to  the  Philistines, 
rivals,  and  in  deadly  combat  with  each  other,  and  repre- 
sented respectively  by  the  generals  Abner  and  Joab.  In 
one  of  the  bouts  Abner  slays  Joab's  brother  Asahel,  and  the 
combats  are  called  off  for  a  time.  But  war  between  the 
two  rival  houses  breaks  out  again  and  continues,  David 
steadily  growing  the  stronger. 

Esh-baal's  kingdom  in  Gilead  could  scarcely  have  been 
extensive;  neither  does  its  king  seem  to  have  possessed 
much  force.  To  make  matters  worse,  a  petty  quarrel 
ensued  between  the  king  and  Abner  over  one  of  Saul's 
concubines.  Abner  feels  offended,  and  determines  to  play 
into  the  hands  of  David.  David  agrees  to  treat  with  Abner 
on  condition  that  he  bring  with  him  Michal.  While  on 
his  errand  in  Hebron,  Joab  takes  the  opportunity  of 
treacherously  slaying  Abner,  thus  avenging  the  death  of  his 
brother  and  at  the  same  time  destroying  a  possible  rival. 
David  disclaims  all  responsibility  for  the  shameful  deed  and 
laments  the  death  of  Abner,  which  gains  him  friends. 

2  Sam  4  Abner's    intrigues    had    weakened    Esh-baal's    hold    on 

his  kingship,  and,  emboldened  by  his  helpless  condition, 
two  of  his  captains  conspired  against  him  and  slew  him. 
They  brought  the  news  to  David,  hoping  to  receive  reward 
from  him.  David,  however,  consistent  in  his  attitude  of 
friendliness  toward  the  family  of  Saul,  ordered  the  con- 
spirators executed. 

a  Sams.  1-5  105.   David  Made  King  of  Israel.    There  was  now  but 

one  thing  to  do.  Israel  needed  a  king;  there  was  but  one 
candidate  in  the  field.  He  had  been  in  the  public  eye  for 
years ;  the  people  knew  who  he  was  and  what  he  could  do. 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  MONARCHY     135 

His  fitness  to  meet  the  situation  expressed  itself  in  the 
phrase  that  he  was  a  man  after  God's  own  heart.  What 
wonder,  then,  that  the  tribes  of  Israel  came  to  Hebron  and 
made  David  king  of  Israel? 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Read  the  elegies  of  David  as  throwing  light  upon  his  character 
as  a  friend  and  poet. 

2.  Note  David's   skill  as   a  diplomat  and  enumerate  the  various 
steps  he  took  to  gain  the  kingship  of  Israel. 

3.  Note  the  parts  played  by  Abner  and  Joab  and  compare  their 
characters. 


8. i;  21 
15-22;  23.  8-39 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  NATIONAL 
MONARCHY— DAVID 

106.    The  Wars  of  Deliverance  from  the  Philistines. 

Saul  had  been  made  king  to  bring  Israel  deliverance  from 
the  Philistines,  but  he  had  failed  in  his  mission.    In  assum- 
ing the  kingship  of  Saul,  David  assumed  the  dead  king's 
task;  and  David  succeeded  where  Saul   failed.     As  long 
as  David  remained  king  of  Hebron  the  Philistines  seemed 
still   to   regard   him   as   a   mere   vassal   and   left   him   un- 
molested, but  when  he  was  raised  to  the  kingship  of  Israel 
2  Sam  s.  17-25;  they  took  it  as  the  signal  for  war.     The  biblical  material 
relating  to  this  war  is  somewhat  scattered,  but  when  viewed 
together   stands   out   in   considerable   detail.      It   evidently 
consumed  the  time  and  energy  of  the  earlier  part  of  David's 
reign.     The  Phihstines,  as  usual,  invaded  central  Palestine, 
and  from  thence  spread  all  over  the  land,  in  the  valley  of 
Rephaim.     David,   hardly  as   yet   prepared    for   the   war, 
wisely  retreated   southward,  and  made  the   stronghold  of 
Adullam  his  headquarters.     During  this  time  occurred  the 
daring    feat   of   the   three   heroes   who    fought   their   way 
through  hostile  ranks  to  bring  David  a  drink  of  water  from 
his   native   Bethlehem.      He   denied   himself,   however,   on 
second  thought,  its  use,  as  it  had  been  bought  with  the 
"jeopardy   of   their   lives."      When   his   army   had   grown 
sufficiently  strong  he  attacked  the  Philistines  and  defeated 
them.      But   once    more    they   gathered    in    the    valley    of 
Rephaim.    This  time  he  succeeded  in  coming  upon  them  in 
their   rear   unawares   and   drove   them   to   the   vicinity   of 
Gezer.     But  even  then  their  power  was  not  yet  broken. 

136 


DAVID  137 

The  brief  notices  contained  in  the  Hst  of  David's  heroes 
point  to  many  another  battle  and  heroic  deed.  They  tell 
how  David,  waxing  faint  in  combat  with  a  Philistine  giant, 
was  nearly  slain,  but  was  rescued  by  Abishai;  and  among 
the  deeds  of  valor  is  mentioned  that  Elhanan  slew  Goliath. 
But  the  repeated  blows  that  David  inflicted  on  the  Philis- 
tines finally  told.  He  not  only  drove  them  out  of  Israelite 
territory,  but  even  captured  their  chief  city,  Gath  (2  Sam 
8.  I,  and  compare  i  Chron  18.  i)  and  thus  most  signally 
settled  the  Philistine  problem.  Israel  now  was  in  free 
possession  of  its  country  and  had  a  chance  for  growth. 

107.  The  Establishment  of  the  National  Capital  at  Jeru-  2  Sam  s.  6-14;  6 
salem.  Of  equal  national  importance  was  David's  capture 
of  the  ancient  stronghold  of  Zion  and  the  making  of  it  the 
national  center.  Up  to  now  it  had  defied  capture  and  was 
still  in  possession  of  native  Canaanites.  It  was  a  citadel 
situated  on  a  hill  and  naturally  protected  on  three  sides  by 
steep  declivities,  made  by  the  Kidron,  Hinnom,  and 
Tyropoean  valleys,  and  easily  defended  on  the  north  side, 
and  possessing  a  perennial  spring  near  by.  Its  safety  had 
become  proverbial,  and  David  was  taunted  with  the  saying 
that  *'the  lame  and  blind"  could  defend  it.  But  David  took 
it,  and  it  has  borne  the  name  of  the  city  of  David  ever 
since.  Its  name  in  the  Tell  el-Amarna  tablets  is  Uru-salim, 
hence  Jerusalem.  He  added  to  its  fortification,  and  built 
himself  a  palace,  and  moved  his  family  into  it. 

But  following  his  religious  impulses,  David  remembered 
the  ark  of  Jehovah,  and  took  steps  to  bring  it  to  Jerusalem. 
After  the  destruction  of  Shiloh  it  had  been  for  a  long  time 
in  apparent  neglect  in  the  house  of  Abinadab,  in  Kiriath- 
jearim  (also  called  Kirijath-baal  and  Baale-judah),  one 
of  the  cities  of  the  Gibeonites,  on  the  border  between 
Benjamin  and  Judah.  The  first  attempt  is  frustrated  by 
the  death  of  Uzzah.  But  when  David  finds  that  the  ark 
brings  blessing  to  Obed-edom  he  makes  a  second  efifort, 
and  with  much  rejoicing  places  the  sacred  symbol  in  Jeru- 


138  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

salem.  During  David's  time  the  ark  remained  in  a  tent, 
while  David  himself  had  a  house  of  cedar.  This  incongruity- 
is  explained  in  ch.  7  to  the  effect  that  David  wished  to 
build  the  temple,  but  it  fell  not  within  Jehovah's  purpose 
to  have  the  temple  built  by  David  but  by  his  son;  but  the 
Chronicler  assigns  another  reason,  namely,  that  David  was 
too  much  of  a  warrior,  or  a  man  of  blood,  although  he 
makes  full  preparation  for  the  building  of  it.  That  David 
did  indeed  make  a  preparation  for  the  temple  is  seen  in  his 
purchase  of  the  threshing  floor  of  Arauna  which  may 
still  be  seen  in  the  temple  area  in  Jerusalem. 

In  the  establishment  of  Jerusalem  as  his  political  and 
religious  capital  David  showed  excellent  statesmanship. 
Jerusalem  was  David's  own  heroic  acquisition  and  belonged 
neither  to  Judah  nor  Israel;  its  position  was  central  and 
strong;  it  had  now  become  the  seat  of  the  emblem  of 
Jehovah's  presence,  associated  with  Israel's  residence  in 
the  desert.  Jerusalem  thus  tended  to  cement  the  tribes, 
create  national  sentiment,  and  loyalty  to  the  House  of 
David. 
2  Sam  10. 1  to  II.  108.  David's  Wars  of  Conquest.  The  energy  dis- 
played by  the  new  king  of  Israel  could  do  nothing  else  but 
affect  its  neighbors  and  make  them  either  friends  or  foes; 
and  their  attitude  led  David  to  conquests  and  treaties.  The 
most  troublesome  were  the  Ammonites;  and  they  forced 
David  into  a  long  war,  when  he  apparently  would  have 
been  content  to  live  in  peace  with  them.  It  appears  that 
David  sent  a  friendly  message  to  King  Hanun  upon  the 
death  of  his  father,  but  the  king  suspected  the  sincerity 
of  David  and  treated  the  messengers  shamefully.  David 
sent  Joab  against  Rabboth-ammon,  who  found  that  the 
Ammonites  had  sent  to  the  Syrians  for  help  and  that  he 
was  hemmed  in  by  the  Ammonites  on  one  side  and  by  the 
Syrians  on  the  other.  He  divided  his  army  into  two  parts 
and  himself  took  charge  of  the  one  against  the  Syrians, 
and  the  other  part  he  placed  in  charge  of  his  brother  Abishai 


1;  12.  26-31 


DAVID  139 

against  the  Ammonites.     The  two  divisions  attacked  the 
enemy   simultaneously   and   defeated   them.     The   Syrians 
now  sent  heavy  reenforcements  and  David  himself  brought 
the  Israelite  army  against  them.     The   Syrians  were  de- 
feated at  Helam,  in  the  north  of  Gilead  in  the  valley  of  the 
Yarmuk ;  they  made  peace  with  David  and  left  the  Ammon- 
ites to   defend  themselves.     The   following   spring  David 
sent  Joab  to  renew  the  attack  on  Rabboth-ammon,  while 
he  himself  remained  in  Jerusalem.    It  was  at  this  time  that 
he  fell  into  sin  with  Bathsheba;  and  it  was  during  one  of 
the  attacks  on  the  city  that  Uriah,  the  Hittite,  her  husband, 
was  killed.     Joab  had  succeeded  in  capturing  part  of  the 
city,  when  he  sent  for  David  to  complete  it,  lest  the  glory 
fall  to  him.     David  heeded  the  hint,  and  came  with  addi- 
tional troops  and  captured  it.     He  carried  off  much  spoil 
and  treated  his  fallen  enemies  with  great  severity.     David 
appears  to  have  followed  up  his  victory  over  the  Syrians 
by  the  capture  of  Damascus,  and  received  the  congratula- 
tion on  his  Syrian  victories  from  Toi,  king  of  Hamath.    He 
smote  Moab  and  arbitrarily  killed  two  thirds  of  the  cap- 
tives.    He   similarly   reduced   Edom,   and   punished   it  by 
killing  every  male.     The  Amalekites  he  had  entirely  ex- 
terminated,  for  they  were  no  longer  heard  of. 

The  outcome  of  these  wars  was  that  Israel's  boundaries 
reached  the  extreme  Hmits  they  had  in  its  entire  history; 
they  extended  from  Damascus  in  the  north  to  Elath  or 
Ezion-Geber,  the  seaport  on  the  Gulf  of  Akabah,  in  the 
south,  to  the  desert  in  the  east,  and  the  ^Mediterranean 
in  the  west.  The  Philistines  were  satisfied  to  leave  Israel 
alone.  The  nations  in  the  north— Hamath,  Tyre,  Geshur— 
respected  and  affiliated  with  Israel;  Ammon,  Moab,  and 
Edom  had  been  made  tributary  and  Amalek  helpless;  the 
remains  of  the  Canaanite  within  the  land  had  been  sub- 
jected after  a  struggle  of  about  two  centuries;  and  Israel 
now  had  come  into  real  possession  of  the  land  of  promise: 
and  David  had  brought  it  to  pass. 


I40  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

i5-i8;  log.  The  Organization  of  David's  Kingdom  and  In- 
ternal Affairs.  The  internal  affairs  of  his  kingdom  now 
began  to  feel  the  touch  of  David's  organizing  genius. 
David's  kingdom  was  won  and  upheld  by  the  sword,  and 
the  organization  of  the  army  was  of  chief  concern.  It 
consisted  of  the  "Cherethites  and  Pelethites,"  that  is, 
Cretans  and  Philistines,  a  bodyguard  of  six  hundred  foreign 
mercenaries,  which  he  had  gathered  in  the  days  of  his  outlaw 
life,  and,  of  course,  replenished  from  time  to  time,  pre- 
sided over  by  Benaiah  (2  Sam  8.  i8a).  A  smaller  and 
more  select  second  body  of  troops  were  the  so-called  "mighty 
men  of  valor,"  gihborim,  or  heroes.  Thirty  of  these  are 
specially  mentioned  in  2  Sam  23.  8-39.  As  specially  dis- 
tinguished stand  out  *'the  three" ;  they  were  probably  the 
officers  of  either  the  bodyguard  or  the  troops.  The  main 
body  of  troops  was  gathered  by  proscription  from  the 
tribes  of  Israel,  according  to  where  the  seat  of  war  was. 
An  attempt  at  a  system  for  providing  troops  appears  to  be 
contained  in  the  account  of  the  census  (2  Sam  24),  accord- 
ing to  which  Joab  spends  over  nine  months  in  going  through 
the  entire  land  to  number  the  men  fit  for  the  army.  But  a 
pestilence  sent  from  Jehovah  is  looked  upon  as  a  punish- 
ment for  the  taking  of  the  census.  Joab  is  the  chief  of 
the  entire  army,  a  loyal  servant,  though  void  of  conscience 
and  stopping  at  nothing  to  further  his  plans. 

Other  officials  mentioned  are:  The  ''recorder."  The 
Hebrew  term  means  *'he  who  brings  to  remembrance." 
His  function  was  either  to  remind  and  advise  the  king, 
or  to  record  the  most  important  transactions.  He  prob- 
ably kept  the  so-called  ''chronicles  of  the  kings,"  which 
constituted  the  beginning  of  Hebrew  historiography.  The 
"scribe"  mentioned  was  probably  the  secretary  of  state, 
whose  function  it  was  to  conduct  the  correspondence  of 
the  king.  There  was  also  an  officer  "over  the  men  subject 
to  task  work" ;  and  as  forced  labor  was  a  species  of  taxes, 
it  suggests  a  collector  of  revenue.    The  king  was  the  chief 


DAVID  141 

judge,  but  he  might  delegate  this  function  to  his  appointees, 
and  David,  no  doubt,  made  such  provisions.  Among  the 
officials  of  the  king  are  mentioned  the  priests  Zadok, 
Abiathar,  and  Ira;  they  held  their  office  at  the  king's 
pleasure  and  were  subject  to  him,  and  it  is  also  stated  that 
David  appointed  his  sons  to  act  as  priests. 

We  get  a  glimpse  of  court  Hfe,  as  well  as  an  illustration  2Sam9;2i.  1-14 
of  David's  loyalty  to  his  friend  Jonathan,  in  the  account 
of  the  admission  into  court  privileges  of  Mephibosheth,  the 
lame  son  of  Jonathan.  But  in  the  most  striking  contrast 
is  David's  attitude  toward  two  sons  and  five  grandsons 
of  Saul.  It  appears  that  there  was  a  famine  in  the  land 
and  the  oracle  ascribed  it  to  Saul's  breaking  faith  with  the 
Gibeonites,  who,  it  will  be  remembered,  were  Canaanites 
allowed  by  covenant  to  live  among  the  Hebrews.  The 
Gibeonites  demanded  that  the  sin  be  atoned  for  by  the 
sacrifice  of  seven  of  Saul's  descendants.  David  gave  per- 
mission; and  the  seven  were  taken  to  Gibeah  of  Saul  and 
"they  hanged  them  in  the  mountain  before  Jehovah";  and 
Rizpah,  the  mother  of  two  of  the  victims,  remained  on  the 
mountain  the  entire  summer,  keeping  watch  over  the  bodies 
to  drive  ofif  the  vultures  and  wild  beasts. 

no.  David's  Family  Life.  David's  family  life  bears 
all  the  characteristics  of  the  typical  Oriental  harem.  The 
biblical  records  give  the  names  of  nine  of  his  wives  and 
eighteen  children,  and  there  were  others  not  named.  Some 
of  the  wives  he  married,  as  was  customary,  for  reasons 
of  state;  for  instance,  Maacha,  who  was  the  daughter  of  the 
king  of  Geshur,  who  became  the  mother  of  Absalom  and 
Tamar.  One  marriage,  that  with  Bath-shcba,  was  the 
result  of  adultery  and  murder.  David,  it  is  true,  took 
humbly  the  rebuke  of  the  prophet  Nathan;  and  it  is  in- 
structive to  note  what,  according  to  the  parable  of  the 
prophet,  constituted  the  sin  in  this  act  of  David.  He  had 
all  the  wives  he  needed,  as  the  parable  suggests— a  stall 
full  of  them;  why,  then,  when  his  visitor  arrived,  did  he 


2  Sam  II.  2  to  la. 
35;  lit- 


142  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

take  the  cherished  lamb  of  the  poor  man,  the  one  wife  of 
Uriah,  the  Hittite  ?  David,  no  doubt,  regretted  this  shameful 
deed;  but  Bath-sheba  remained  his  wife,  and  she  became 
the  mother  of  Solomon,  and  exerted  no  small  influence 
upon  David  and  Solomon. 

The  shameful  incident  of  Amnon  and  Tamar  also,  we 
must  frankly  recognize,  savors  of  the  harem.  Amnon  was 
the  son  of  David  by  Ahinoam,  and  Tamar  David's  daughter 
by  Maacha;  he  was  thus  her  half-brother.  To  have  fallen 
in  love  with  her  and  married  her  would  have  been  lawful 
in  those  days,  and  is  seen  from  Tamar's  words,  ''Speak 
unto  the  king;  for  he  will  not  withhold  me  from  thee.'* 
But  Amnon  used  craft  and  violence,  and  then  spurned  her. 
David  apparently  had  no  strong  convictions  on  such  sub- 
jects. Although  he  was  "very  wroth,"  he  did  nothing  to 
punish  his  first-born.  This  led  Absalom,  Tamar's  full 
brother,  to  take  the  revenge  into  his  own  hands;  and,  after 
waiting  his  opportunity,  for  two  years,  he  succeeded  in 
getting  Amnon  to  visit  him,  and  while  the  latter  was  well 
drunk  at  the  feast,  Absalom  ordered  his  servants  to  slay 
him.  He  himself  fled  to  his  mother's  father  in  Geshur, 
where  he  remained  three  years.  His  father  longed  for  him, 
and  as  Absalom  was  in  danger  of  blood-revenge  by  Amnon's 
family,  he  was  brought  back  through  the  scheming  of  Joab ; 
but  it  was  two  years  longer  before  he  was  permitted  to 
see  his  father  again  and  be  entirely  forgiven. 
2  Sam  15. 1  to  i6.  m.  Absalom's  Rebellion.  A  still  worse  result  of 
this  affair  was,  however,  yet  to  come.  Absalom  had  been 
embittered  by  his  punishment  and  sought  to  take  revenge 
by  supplanting  his  father.  He  apparently  was  now  next 
heir  to  the  throne,  but  not  content  to  await  his  father's 
death,  and  driven  also  by  ambition  and  vanity,  he  sought  to 
win  the  favor  of  his  father's  subjects  by  defaming  him 
and  sowing  dissension.  After  four  years  of  secret  planning, 
he,  under  pretense,  moved  to  Hebron,  and  the  Judseans, 
who   had   never   relished   the   removal   of   the   capital   to 


14 


19-  39 


DAVID  143 

Jerusalem,  and  now  saw  the  possibility  of  the  return  of 
their  prestige,  fell  in  with  Absalom's  plans.  He  also  sent 
agents  into  central  and  northern  Israel  to  win  a  following; 
and  the  east  Jordan  provinces  alone  stood  aloof.  Aided 
by  the  counsel  of  Ahithophel,  Absalom  was  now  proclaimed 
king  in  Hebron ;  and  without  delay  proceeded  toward  Jeru- 
salem. The  revolution  was  so  carefully  planned  that  David 
was  taken  by  utter  surprise  and  fled,  accompanied  by  his 
court  and  protected  by  his  faithful  bodyguard.  David  sent 
back  the  priests  Abiathar  and  Zadok  and  his  faithful 
Canaanite  friend  Hushai,  to  aid  his  cause.  On  his  way  to 
the  Jordan  he  learned  of  the  slumbering  ambitions  and 
hatred  of  the  friends  of  the  house  of  Saul,  Ziba  and  Shimei, 
but  took  it  all  humbly  as  a  deserved  punishment  for  his  sin. 

Absalom  entered  Jerusalem  without  opposition,  and  upon  2  Sam  16.  15  to 
the  advice  of  Ahithophel,  to  show  his  absolute  break  with 
his  father,  he  took  public  possession  of  David's  harem. 
Hushai  now  succeeded  in  defeating  Ahithophel's  counsel 
of  immediate  and  radical  action  and  in  sending  David 
word.  The  latter  crossed  the  Jordan  and  went  to  Maha- 
naim,  finding  ready  support  from  the  residents  of  the 
east  Jordan  province.  Absalom's  hesitation  gave  David 
time  to  strengthen  his  forces.  Absalom,  on  the  other  hand, 
suffered  the  loss  of  his  chief  counselor,  Ahithophel.  The 
battle  was  fought  in  the  forest  of  Ephraim  near  Mahanaim. 
Absalom's  army  could  not  withstand  the  trained  forces  of 
David.  In  the  flight  that  ensued  Absalom  was  caught  by 
his  long  hair,  while  his  mule  ran  from  under  him.  In  this 
defenseless  position,  and  against  the  strictest  orders  of  the 
king,  Joab  killed  him.  The  tidings  of  his  son's  death  out- 
weighed the  tidings  of  the  victory  and  left  David  broken- 
hearted; and  it  was  only  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that 
Joab  succeeded  in  arousing  the  further  interest  of  David. 

The  return  of  David  to  Jerusalem  lacked  enthusiasm. 
After  some  discussion,  the  Israelites  decided  to  take  steps 
to  bring  him  back.     David  then  appealed  to  the  men  of 


144  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

Judah,  as  nearer  kin,  not  to  be  slack  in  the  matter,  and 
offered  Amasa,  Absalom's  general,  the  place  of  Joab,  whom 
he  hated  for  his  son's  death ;  then  Judah,  ashamed,  came  to 
meet  David  at  the  Jordan  to  bring  him  over.  The  king 
generously  granted  amnesty  to  Shimei  and  Mephibosheth, 
but  failed  to  persuade  the  aged  Gileadite  Barzillai  to  ac- 
company him  to  Jerusalem. 
2  Sam  19.  40  to  112.  The  Rebellion  of  Sheba.  The  jealous  quarrel 
^**'"  between  the  northern   and   southern   tribes   over  the  pre- 

rogative of  leadership  in  bringing  the  king  back  is  used  as 
an  occasion  of  revolt  by  the  Benjamite  Sheba.  With  the 
cry,  *'We  have  no  portion  in  David,  neither  have  we  in- 
heritance in  the  son  of  Jesse;  every  man  to  his  tents,  O 
Israel,"  he  succeeds  in  carrying  away  with  him  the  tribes 
of  Israel.  So  that  his  first  public  duty,  after  setting  his 
house  straight,  on  his  return  to  Jerusalem,  is  to  take  action 
for  the  putting  down  of  the  rebellion  of  Sheba.  David 
commissions  Amasa  to  collect  the  troops  and  proceed  in 
pursuit  of  the  revolutionary  forces;  but  when  he  fails  to 
do  so  in  the  appointed  time  David  falls  back  on  Joab  and 
his  men.  Joab,  in  characteristic  fashion,  treacherously  puts 
Amasa  out  of  the  way,  and  then  pursues  Sheba  to  the  city 
of  Abel-beth-Maachah  in  the  north,  a  few  miles  west  of 
Dan ;  besieges  him,  until,  upon  the  advice  of  a  "wise  woman" 
of  the  city,  the  inhabitants  throw  over  the  walls  the  head 
of  Sheba.  Joab  returns  victoriously  to  Jerusalem,  and 
general  peace  is  once  more  restored  in  Israel. 
I  Kings  1-2;  II  113.  The  Last  Days  of  David.  The  glimpses  we  get 
of  David  during  his  last  days  show  him  as  a  feeble  old 
man,  easily  controlled  by  scheming  courtiers,  who  prefer 
Solomon  as  his  successor.  There  was  at  this  time  no  defi- 
nite law  of  succession,  but  it  would  naturally  tend  to  favor 
the  eldest  son.  After  the  death  of  Absalom,  Adonijah  was 
the  eldest,  and  he  legitimately  considered  himself  the  crown 
prince.  He  was  aided  by  Joab  and  Abiathar  the  priest,  and 
David  did  not  object  to  it.     But  Bath-sheba  had  at  some 


DAVID  145 

time  exacted  a  promise  from  David  that  her  son  Solomon 
should  be  king,  although  David  apparently  had  forgotten 
the  promise.  Siding  with  Bath-sheba  and  Solomon  were 
Nathan  the  prophet,  Zadok  the  priest,  and  Benaiah,  the  cap- 
tain of  David's  bodyguard.  It  was  Nathan  who  suggested 
to  Bath-sheba  a  plan  of  action,  which  involved  not  only 
collusion  but  even  duplicity.  Adonijah  had  gone  to  near-by 
En-rogel,  at  the  confluence  of  the  Kidron  and  the  Hinnon 
valleys,  to  make  a  feast  to  the  king's  sons.  Nathan  sent 
Bath-sheba  to  remind  the  king  of  his  promise,  and  to  tell 
him  that  Adonijah  was  being  made  king;  and  Nathan  him- 
self appeared  at  the  appropriate  time  to  confirm  Bath- 
sheba's  story,  even  adding  that  he  himself  had  heard  the 
cry,  ''Live  King  Adonijah."  The  old  king  evidently  became 
frightened  at  the  prospect  of  another  Absalom  tragedy; 
and  ordered  immediately  that  Solomon  be  anointed  king 
in  his  place.  The  Solomon  faction,  supported  by  David's 
valiant  bodyguard,  easily  overawed  the  Adonijah  faction, 
which  scattered,  and  Adonijah  himself  fled  for  asylum  to 
the  horns  of  the  altar.    Thus  Solomon  ascended  the  throne. 

Before  David  died,  it  is  recorded,  he  left  a  legacy  of 
revenge  to  Solomon  relating  to  Joab  and  Shimei.  If  it  is 
to  be  taken  just  as  it  stands,  it  adds  another  feature  to  the 
make-up  of  one  of  the  most  remarkable  characters  of  Old 
Testament  history. 

114.  The  Character  and  Achievements  of  David.  That 
David  was  the  greatest  king  that  Israel  ever  had  is  com- 
monly held;  but  opinions  differ  on  what  basis  the  estimate 
is  to  be  made,  some  holding  it  on  the  basis  of  his  personal 
character  in  general,  taking  the  phrase,  "A  man  after  my 
own  heart,"  as  evidence  of  divine  approval  and  descriptive 
of  his  life,  while  others  limit  it  to  his  political  or  national 
achievements.  It  is  in  the  interest  of  highest  ideals  that 
we  need  to  make  the  inquiry,  and,  fortunately,  the  facts 
are  unmistakably  clear. 

David  was  the   founder  of  the  national  monarchy;  he 


146  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

united  the  tribes  under  one  ruler,  freed  them  from  sub- 
jection to  their  enemies,  estabHshed  a  capital,  organized  the 
state,  extended  its  boundaries  to  the  extremest  limits,  and 
made  Israel  a  power  to  be  reckoned  with.  This  was  the 
accomplishment  of  a  great  soldier  and  statesman.  He  sus- 
tained his  reputation  of  being  "a  mighty  man  of  valor  and 
a  man  of  war" ;  his  statesmanship  he  showed  by  his  tact 
in  dealing  with  his  friends  and  enemies,  and  in  his  broad 
outlook  in  planning  for  the  nation.  He  possessed  some 
very  commendable  personal  traits :  he  was  lovable  and  lov- 
ing; Jonathan  loved  him,  Michal  and  the  people  loved  him, 
and  the  most  valiant  soldiers  risked  their  lives  to  please 
him,  and  he  was  capable  of  returning  the  affection.  He 
was  magnanimous  and  a  loyal  friend.  On  the  other  hand, 
he  was  cruel  in  warfare.  Think  of  the  hundred  foreskins 
of  Philistines  which  he  paid  as  the  dowry  for  Michal, 
suggesting  the  scalping  Indian ;  the  way  he  treated  the 
conquered  Moabites,  measuring  them  line  by  line,  and  killing 
off  two  lines  and  keeping  one  line  alive;  and  the  Edomites, 
killing  off  all  their  males — cruelties,  perhaps  not  quite  as 
severe  as  the  other  nations  practised,  but  cruelties  con- 
demned by  the  enlightened  Hebrew  prophets  two  centuries 
later  (see  Amos  i.  3-15).  His  lying  to  Achish  may  be 
ascribed  to  warfare,  but  his  lie  to  the  priests  of  Nob  cost 
eighty-five  of  them  their  lives.  It  is  evident  that  he  did  not 
make  an  ideal  father  nor  husband.  David  was  a  religious 
man;  he  acknowledged  Jehovah  as  his  God,  always  con- 
sulted the  divine  oracle,  and  placed  the  ark  in  Jerusalem. 
But  his  religion  was  of  that  highly  emotional  type,  which 
expressed  itself  in  dervishlike  dancing  and  whirling  until 
the  devotee  dropped  down  exhausted  and  lay  naked  all 
night  (i  Sam  19.  18-24);  so  David  leaped  and  danced 
before  the  ark  until  he  "uncovered  himself,"  much  to  the 
displeasure  of  the  modest  Michal.  Yet  his  religious  zeal 
did  not  give  him  very  exalted  ideas  of  Jehovah,  for  he 
could  believe  that  Jehovah  would  kill  a  man  in  whose  house 


DAVID  147 

the  ark  had  rested  for  years  for  endeavoring  to  steady  it 
when  it  was  in  danger  of  falling  on  a  rough  road;  or  that 
Jehovah  would  send  a  pestilence  to  kill  off  thousands  of 
people  because  the  king  had  taken  a  census ;  or  that  Jehovah 
had  sent  a  famine  because  Saul  had  slain  the  Gibeonites 
and  that  he  would  not  be  appeased  until  seven  innocent 
victims  were  sacrificed  for  the  sin  of  their  ancestor.  As 
we  consider  these  things  in  the  light  of  a  fuller  divine 
revelation,  we  must  come  to  realize  that  David  although  a 
great  warrior,  was  yet  only  a  child  in  morals  and  religion. 
This  raises  the  question  of  David's  relation  to  the  book 
of  Psalms.  A  late  biblical  tradition,  represented  by  the 
Chronicler  and  embodied  in  the  superscription  of  the  book 
of  Psalms  as  a  whole  and  of  many  of  the  psalms  in  par- 
ticular, makes  David  the  author  of  the  book  of  Psalms. 
But  these  superscriptions  are  not  original  parts  of  the 
Psalms  and  merely  indicate  what  a  late  editor  of  the  book 
of  Psalms  thought  might  have  been  the  occasion  that  led 
to  the  composition  of  the  psalm.  The  internal  evidence 
that  the  book  of  Psalms  itself  offers  regarding  its  origin 
favors  the  conclusion  that  the  Psalms,  like  the  hymns  in 
our  hymn  books,  are  the  contributions  of  many  saints  of 
many  ages.  Exactly  what  share  David  himself  had  in 
the  collection  is  now  no  longer  possible  to  determine.  It  is 
certain  that  David  was  a  minstrel  (confer  Amos  6.  3-6). 
That  he  was  also  a  poet  of  no  mean  ability  is  quite  evident 
from  his  elegies  on  the  death  of  Saul  and  Jonathan  and 
on  the  death  of  Abner  (2  Sam  i.  17-27;  3.  33f.).  His  life 
was  characterized  throughout  by  faith  in  Jehovah.  That 
he  should  have  given  poetic  expression  to  his  religious 
sentiment  is  thus  highly  probable  and  accounts  for  the 
title  given  him,  "the  sweet  singer  of  Israel"  (2  Sam  23.  i). 
But  many  of  the  psalms  ascribed  to  him  do  not  fit  his 
time  nor  his  character  as  set  forth  in  the  books  of  Samuel, 
which  is  more  of  a  warrior  than  saint  (confer  Psa  5.  6f. ; 
6;  24.  3-5;  26.  Qf. ;  28.  3-5).     It  is  quite  evident  that  later 


148  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

generations  idealized  David;  a  comparison  of  the  history 
of  David  given  in  the  books  of  Samuel  with  that  given  in 
the  books  of  Chronicles  shows  that  idealization  at  almost 
every  stage.  It  is  the  Chronicler  that  ascribes  to  David 
the  fullest  preparation  for  the  building  of  the  temple,  con- 
sisting of  the  plans  and  accumulated  treasures  and  includ- 
ing the  arrangements  for  the  services  and  the  organization 
of  the  temple  choirs,  priests  and  Levites,  and  other  temple 
officials  (i  Chron  22  to  26;  28.  11-19)  ;  and  it  is  from  this 
source  that  the  conception  has  come  of  David  as  a  saint  and 
hymn  writer,  embodied  in  the  titles  of  the  psalms.  We  can 
easily  understand  this  idealization  as  the  result  of  the 
natural  appreciation  of  David's  great  services  to  national 
Israel  by  a  later  more  spiritual  generation.  But  for  the 
historical  David  we  must  look  to  data  furnished  by  the 
books  of  Samuel. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Read    the    scattered    references    to    David's    war    against    the 
Philistines  and  consider  what  his  victory  meant  for  national  Israel. 

2.  Note  the  various  elements  that  contributed  to  the  importance 
of  Jerusalem  as  the  national  capital. 

3.  Trace  on  a  map  the  extent  of  David's  conquests  and  kingdom. 

4.  Consider  David's  task  and  achievements  as  an  organizer. 

5.  Consider  to  what  extent  David's  family  life  failed  of  the  ideal 
and  account  for  his  limitations. 

6.  Indicate  the  causes  of  Absalom's  shameful  deed  and  end. 

7.  Compare  David's  last  years  with  his  earlier  life  and  account 
for  the  change. 

8.  Estimate  the  character  and  achievements  of  David,  and  point 
out  wherein  he  is  still  and  wherein  he  is  not  a  worthy  example. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  NATIONAL 
RESOURCES— SOLOMON 

I.    The  Reign  of  Solomon 

115.  The  Accession  of  Solomon.  The  accounts  of  i  Kings  2.  12  to 
the  accession  of  Solomon  are  of  two  variant  types  and  diffi-  ^' ' 
cult  to  reconcile.  According  to  one  element,  Solomon  feels 
his  kingdom  insecure  until  he  has  put  out  of  the  way  his 
rival  brother  Adonijah  and  the  leaders  of  his  party,  Joab 
and  Abiathar.  (i)  Adonijah's  request  to  receive  in  mar- 
riage Abishag,  interceded  for  by  Bath-sheba  the  queen- 
mother,  is  interpreted  as  a  conspiracy  to  obtain  the  kingship, 
and  he  is  executed  by  the  order  of  the  king.  (2)  Joab  not 
even  the  asylum  of  the  altar  can  save  from  vengeance ;  and 
Benaiah,  the  executioner,  assumes  the  duties  of  the  chief 
of  the  army.  (3)  Abiathar,  on  account  of  his  sacred  office, 
is  banished  to  his  native  Anathoth  and  Zadok  receives  his 
place.  Shimei,  evidently  another  suspect,  is  banished  to 
Jericho  with  the  warning  not  to  leave  it;  but  when  the 
latter,  three  years  later,  neglects  the  warning  to  seek  some 
runaway  slaves,  he  meets  the  traitor's  fate.  These  bloody 
deeds  are  quite  explicable  on  the  supposition  that  Adonijah 
expresses  the  situation  correctly  when  he  says,  "Thou 
knowest  the  kingdom  was  mine,  and  all  Israel  regarded  me 
as  the  coming  king,"  and  that,  consequently,  Solomon, 
adopting  despotic  Oriental  custom,  secured  his  throne  by 
destroying  his  rivals.  But  according  to  the  other  element, 
Solomon  is  the  pious  son  of  his  father  David,  loving  Jehovah 
and  walking  in  the  statutes  of  his  father  David,  humbly 
asking  of  Jehovah,  not  the  life  of  his  enemies,  but  an  under- 

149 


I50  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

standing  heart,  so  that  he  becomes  the  paragon  of  wisdom. 
The  difficulty  lies  at  this  point:  we  have  learned  that  "the 
wisdom  that  comes  from  above  is  first  pure,  then  peaceable, 
gentle,  easy  to  be  entreated" ;  and  if  Solomon  had  really 
possessed  the  highest  type  of  wisdom  he  might  have  found 
means  to  retain  his  kingdom  without  such  violence.  The 
fact,  however,  is  that  the  character  of  Solomon  as  a  whole 
is  in  large  measure  the  idealization  of  the  later  editors,  who 
contribute  a  considerable  share  of  the  sources  on  the  reign 
of  Solomon,  and  reflect  what  Solomon  ought  to  have  been 
rather  than  what  he  was ;  and  we  must  balance  the  later  with 
the  earlier  material  to  get  at  the  historical  facts. 

1 1 6.  The  Policy  of  Solomon.  The  most  distinguishing 
feature  of  the  reign  of  Solomon  is  the  development  of  the 
material  aspects  of  the  kingdom  his  father  had  left  him, 
which  consisted  (i)  of  his  building  projects,  (2)  his  system 
of  internal  revenue,  (3)  his  commerce,  resulting  in  making 
the  kingdom  of  Israel  a  wealthy  and,  to  all  appearances,  a 
prosperous  nation. 
i^KiDgs  II.  14-  As  compared  with  David,  Solomon  was  less  of  a  warrior 
and  more  inclined  to  peaceful  pursuits.  But  he  was  com- 
pelled to  carry  on  military  expeditions  which  did  not  -bring 
him  success.  Edom,  which  David  had  subdued  at  the 
terrible  cost  of  all  its  males,  revolted  under  Hadad,  one  of 
the  royal  line  who  had  as  a  child  escaped  to  Egypt  and  there 
married  an  Egyptian  princess,  sister  of  the  queen.  The 
news  of  Joab's  death  was  his  signal  of  revolt,  and  Solomon 
lost  this  foreign  dependency  in  spite  of  repeated  efforts  to 
hold  it.  Similarly,  Damascus  became  independent  under  the 
leadership  of  Rezon,  leading  to  the  rise  of  a  neighboring 
rival  power  which  subsequently  harassed  Israel  greatly. 

The  circle  of  Israel's  foreign  alliances  Solomon  enlarged, 
for  he  not  only  intensified  the  treaties  with  Hiram  of 
Phoenicia  but  married  a  daughter  of  the  king  of  Egypt, 
which  brought  him  the  dowry  of  the  Canaanite  city  of 
Gezer. 


25 


SOLOMON  ,  151 

A  decided  forward  step  in  national  administration 
Solomon  took  in  a  series  of  fortifications.  To  protect  the 
north  he  fortified  Hazor  by  the  waters  of  Merom;  in  the 
northwest,  Megiddo;  in  the  west,  the  lower  Beth-horon, 
Gezer,  and  Baalath ;  in  the  south,  Tamar ;  and  Jerusalem 
he  fortified  by  a  wall  and  a  citadel  (9.  15-18).  To  make  his 
army  more  efficient,  he  supplied  it  for  the  first  time  with 
chariots  and  horses,  and  placed  them  as  garrisons  in  the 
chief  cities  (9.  19  to  10.  26).  He  was  the  first  to  inaugurate 
a  national  system  for  the  collection  of  revenue,  by  dividing 
the  entire  country  into  twelve  districts,  exempting  Judah, 
and  appointing  over  each  an  officer  whose  duty  it  was  to 
provide  his  extensive  court  provisions  for  a  month  in  the 
year  (4.  7-19).  To  carry  on  his  many  building  operations 
he  forced  his  subjects  into  service,  employing  in  large 
measure  the  surviving  Canaanites,  and  supplying  the  service 
most  probably  by  the  same  or  a  similar  system,  with  a 
special  officer  "over  the  men  subject  to  taskwork"  (5.  13-17; 
9.  20-22 ;  4.  6).  He  probably  levied  a  tax  upon  the  caravans 
and  traders  passing  through  the  dominion.  Another  means 
of  income  were  Solomon's  commercial  undertakings.  In 
partnership  with  Hiram,  king  of  Tyre,  he  carried  on  a  mari- 
time and  overland  commerce,  with  Ezion-geber,  on  the  Gulf 
of  Akabah,  as  the  seaport.  The  land  of  Ophir  is  probably 
to  be  sought  along  the  coast  of  southwestern  Arabia.  The 
articles  of  trade  included  gold,  silver,  sandalwood,  apes,  pea- 
cocks, etc.  (9.  26;  10.  II,  2.2),  while  from  Egypt  came  the 
horses,  not  only  for  Solomon's  use,  but  for  the  Syrian  trade 
(10.  28f.).  It  seems  probable  that  the  visit  of  the  Queen 
of  Sheba  had  a  commercial  cause,  and  that  her  "presents" 
were  articles  of  commercial  interchange  (10.  i-io,  13).  But 
the  income  from  all  these  sources  was  not  sufficient  to  cover 
Solomon's  expenditures ;  and  he  contracted  a  heavy  debt 
with  Hiram  for  material  and  labor,  which  he  paid  by  ceding 
him  twenty  cities  in  Galilee  (5.  1-12;  7.13!;  9.  10-14). 

Solomon  kept  an  extensive  harem.    His  foreign  marriages   i  Kings  n.  1-13 


152  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

were  contracted,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  times,  to 
cement  international  friendships,  and  carried  with  them,  in 
the  nature  of  the  case,  the  introduction  of  foreign  cults. 
That  he  had  a  thousand  wives  is  probably  an  exaggeration, 
like  most  of  the  statistical  data  (compare,  for  instance,  the 
doubling  of  figures  in  i  Kings  5.  11,  and  2  Chron  2.  10), 
due  to  the  later  editor.  In  the  Song  of  Solomon  (6.  8)  the 
number  is  ''three  score  queens  and  four  score  concubines." 
To  the  later  editor  also  belongs  the  just  condemnation  that 
his  foreign  wives  corrupted  the  worship  of  Jehovah. 
I  Kings  II.  26-40  It  is  no  wonder  that  the  immense  expense  connected  with 

Solomon's  administration  should  have  become  •a  severe  bur- 
den to  the  people ;  and  it  found  expression  in  a  revolt  which 
Solomon  was  still  strong  enough  to  put  down.  The  leader 
was  Jeroboam,  the  son  of  Nebat,  whose  second  attempt  after 
the  death  of  Solomon  was  more  successful,  leading  to  the 
disruption  of  the  kingdom.  It  is  evident  from  subsequent 
history  that  the  immediate  cause  of  the  revolt  was  the  exces- 
sive taxation,  while  in  the  present  context  the  account  of 
the  revolt  is  given  in  the  form  of  a  homily  on  the  sin  of 
Solomon  in  forsaking  Jehovah  for  the  worship  of  other 
gods,  as  a  consequence  of  which  Jeroboam's  act  was  the 
punishment  sent  by  Jehovah,  for  which  he  is  commissioned 
by  a  prophet  divinely  sent.  This  is  another  illustration  of 
the  Deuteronomistic  philosophy  of  history,  which  justly  sees 
every  national  calamity  caused  by  a  failure  to  be  true  to 
Jehovah;  for  had  Solomon  truly  followed  the  teaching  of 
Jehovah,  as  given  by  Moses — in  other  words,  followed  the 
democratic  ideal  of  the  desert — he  would  not  have  made 
slaves  of  Israel.  Jeroboam  succeeded  in  escaping  to  Egypt, 
where  he  remained  till  a  better  opportunity  offered  itself  to 
carry  out  the  scheme  of  revolt. 

117.  Solomon's  Palace  and  Temple.  In  harmony  with 
Solomon's  policy  of  expansion  were  his  plans  to  provide  for 
himself  and  his  Egyptian  queen  a  royal  palace,  and  in  con- 
junction  with   it  a   temple  to  Jehovah  his   God.     As  our 


SOLOMON  153 

biblical  sources  are  written  from  the  point  of  view  of  reli- 
gion, they  have  made  his  fame  to  rest  upon  his  building  the 
temple.  While,  as  rightly  seen  by  later  generations,  the 
temple  was  ultimately  the  most  permanent  contribution  to 
the  religious  history  of  Israel,  nevertheless,  as  the  plan  of 
the  buildings  clearly  shows,  it  was  but  one  of  the  series  of 
buildings  constituting  his  palace.  The  site  of  the  temple 
is  one  of  the  rare  instances  possible  of  exact  identification ; 
for  the  rock  in  the  Haram-es-sherif,  over  which  is  built  what 
is  commonly  known  as  the  Mosque  of  Omar,  is  generally 
believed  to  have  been  the  spot  which  David  purchased  from 
Araunah  the  Jebusite,  and  which  he  used  as  an  altar  of 
sacrifice.  The  timber  for  the  building  came  from  Lebanon, 
and  was  cut  by  Hiram's  men  and  brought  by  raft  to  Joppa 
and  from  thence  up  to  Jerusalem,  while  the  stones  were 
quarried  near  by.  It  took  twenty  years  to  complete  the 
buildings,  seven  for  the  temple  and  thirteen  for  the  palace. 

The  description  of  Solomon's  building,  contained  in  i 
Kings  5-8,  is  not  altogether  clear,  yet  its  broad  outlines  can 
be  determined.  The  buildings  formed  a  connected  group, 
surrounded  by  a  wall  of  great  hewn  stones,  and  a  course  of 
cedar  beams  above  (7.  9,  12),  forming  an  inclosure  called 
the  outer  court ;  within,  the  series  of  buildings  were  of  three 
kinds :  ( i )  state  buildings :  the  house  of  the  forest  of 
Lebanon;  the  hall  of  pillars,  and  the  judgment  hall;  (2) 
within  a  second  or  "middle"  court,  the  king's  private  build- 
ings;  the  palace  and  the  harem;  and  (3)  within  the  "inner" 
court,  the  royal  chapel  or  the  temple. 

Passing  through  the  southern  entrance,  one  would  first  i  Kings  5  to « 
come  upon  the  house  of  the  forest  of  Lebanon,  so  called 
because  it  was  built  in  peristyle  of  forty-five  pillars,  arranged 
in  three  rows  of  fifteen  pillars  each,  on  which  rested  the 
upper  story.  The  ground  floor  was  a  single  room,  one  hun- 
dred cubits  long  and  fifty  cubits  wide.  This  room  was 
probably  used  for  general  assemblies ;  the  story  above  had 
chambers  which  served  as  an  arsenal     (i   Kings  10.   i6f. ; 


154  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

Isa  22.  8;  compare  39,  2).  Next  came  the  "hall  of  the 
pillars"  (7.  6),  fifty  by  thirty  cubits,  entered  by  a  porch  of 
pillars  and  a  flight  of  steps,  and  serving  as  an  antechamber 
or  waiting  room,  and  leading  to  "the  Hall  of  Judgment" 
(i  Kings  7.  7),  containing  the  great  ivory  throne  with  Hons 
(10.  18-20),  and  serving,  as  the  name  indicates,  as  the 
place  where  the  king  sat  in  judgment,  or  gave  audiences. 
As  already  indicated,  within  another  or  "middle"  court  were 
the  palace  and  harem  of  the  king,  with  a  separate  building 
for  the  Egyptian  princess  (7.  8).  The  temple  stood  within 
a  court  of  its  own,  known  as  the  "inner  court,"  and  formed 
by  a  wall  of  the  same  construction  as  that  of  the  main  hall 
(6.  36).  It  was  higher  than  the  palace  court  and  had  three 
gates,  one  each  at  the  north,  the  south,  and  the  east,  and 
there  was  free  access  to  it,  and  it  was  used  as  a  place  of 
public  assembly,  and  for  the  subsequent  period  it  was  the 
scene  of  many  a  stirring  occasion.  It  was  paved  and  had 
side  chambers  (Jer  35.  4;  36.  10;  2  Kings  12.  12).  Occupy- 
ing a  prominent  place  in  this  court  and  in  front  of  the  temple 
building  stood  the  great  altar  of  burnt  offering.  It  was  an 
elaborate  piece  of  workmanship  in  bronze  (confer  i  Kings 
8.  64;  2  Chron  4.  i;  2  Kings  16.  loff.),  but  probably  left 
here  undescribed  because  of  its  violation  of  the  earlier 
custom  provided  for  in  Exod  20.  24ff.,  according  to  which 
the  altar  should  be  of  earth  and  rough  stones. 

Between  the  altar  and  the  temple  building  stood  the  great 
brazen  sea  (7.  23-26),  resting  upon  the  backs  of  twelve 
oxen,  arranged  in  groups  of  three  facing  each  direction  of 
the  compass.  It  had  the  capacity  of  about  sixteen  thousand 
gallons  of  water,  which  was  carried  in  lavers  of  brass  on 
wheels  to  where  needed  for  the  ablutions  in  the  temple  serv- 
ice. On  three  sides  of  the  temple  building,  on  the  north,  west, 
and  south,  chambers  in  three  stories  were  provided  which 
were  used  for  the  storage  of  temple  furniture  and  the  like. 

The  temple  building  was  a  rectangular  structure  sixty 
cubits  long,  twenty  cubits  broad,  and  thirty  cubits  high,  or 


SOLOMON  iSS 

in  round  numbers,  one  hundred  and  four,  thirty-five,  and 
fifty-two  feet  respectively,  of  rathen  moderate  size.  It  lay 
east  and  west  with  the  entrance  from  the  east,  consisting 
of  a  porch  with  steps  and  two  bronze  pillars  of  elaborate 
design,  called  Jachin  and  Boaz,  and  cast  by  a  Tyrian  arti- 
ficer. The  interior  of  the  sanctuary  was  divided  into  two 
unequal  parts.  The  anterior  apartment,  called  the  Holy 
Place,  was  forty  cubits  long,  twenty  broad,  and  thirty  high. 
Although  it  had  openings  for  windows,  it  was  not  well 
lighted.  In  it  were  placed  the  table  of  shewbread  (6.  20), 
an  altar  of  incense  (7.  48)  ;  and  the  golden  candlesticks 
(7.  49).  The  interior  apartment,  called  the  Holy  of  Holies, 
was  a  perfect  cube  of  twenty  cubits,  with  no  opening  for 
light,  except  the  entrance,  which  consisted  of  folding  doors 
(6.  31).  This  was  the  most  sacred  spot  in  the  temple,  the 
dwelling  place  of  Jehovah,  and  containing  the  ark  of  the 
covenant,  overshadowed  by  two  cherubic  figures,  each  ten 
cubits  high,  with  outstretched  wings  of  five  cubits  length. 
The  walls  of  this  room,  as  well  as  those  of  the  anterior 
room,  were  covered  with  carvings  of  cherubs  and  palms, 
and,  according  to  a  later  element  in  the  description,  over- 
laid with  gold. 

Upon  the  completion  of  the  temple,  Solomon  appointed 
a  feast  for  its  dedication.  He  publicly  transferred  the  ark 
of  the  covenant  from  the  tent  to  the  temple ;  installed  all 
the  sacred  utensils ;  offered  sacrifices,  and  gave  utterance 
to  a  dedicatory  poem.  This  has,  unfortunately,  been  trans- 
mitted in  a  rather  fragmentary  and  textually  corrupt  form 
(8.  12,  13).  It  is  given  in  somewhat  fuller  form  in  the 
Septuagint,  and  may  be  reconstructed  as  follows: 

The  sun  has  Jehovah  placed  in  heaven ; 
He,  himself,  he  said,  will  dwell  in  darkness; 
I  have  built  thee  a  lofty  house, 
A  dwelling  place  for  thee  forever. 

The  saying  thus  gives  expression  to  two  essential  elements 
in  the  new  situation  that  the  temple  has  created,  namely, 


156  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

Jehovah's  finding  a  permanent  resting  place  in  contrast  with 
his  former  nomadic  roaming,  of  which  the  tent  is  emble- 
matic ;  and  his  dwelling  in  the  secrecy  of  the  darkness  of 
his  new  home. 

But  our  accounts  contain  also  an  extensive  dedicatory 
prayer  ascribed  to  Solomon.  It  is  of  unsurpassed  beauty  in 
language,  religious  conception,  and  sentiment ;  but  this  out- 
burst of  sublimest  devotion  seems  out  of  place  in  the 
mouth  of  the  historical  Solomon,  and  evidently  belongs  to 
a  time  when  the  temple  had  become  of  the  deepest  spiritual 
significance  through  the  very  loss  of  it  (i  Kings  8.  22-53). 
Its  value  is  not  in  its  authorship  but  in  its  ideals. 

118.  The  Character  and  Achievements  of  Solomon. 
Our  estimate  of  the  character  of  Solomon,  as  with  that  of 
his  father  David,  will  depend  upon  the  criterion  by  which 
we  judge  him.  If  we  regard  him  from  the  point  of  view 
of  his  own  time  and  the  material  aspects  of  his  reign,  we 
shall  have  reason  to  consider  him  a  great  son  of  a  greater 
father,  but  not  an  ideal  from  the  Christian  point  of  view. 
We  must  never  forget  that  he  was  the  son  of  Bath-sheba 
and  greatly  influenced  by  her,  and  that  the  atmosphere  of  the 
Oriental  harem,  with  its  luxuries  and  intrigues,  never  left 
him.  He  was  a  strong  ruler,  holding  the  reins  of  his  govern- 
ment firmly  and  in  his  own  hands ;  and  there  is  no  indi- 
cation that  any  of  his  officials  controlled  him.  His  task  was 
in  the  order  of  things  to  develop  the  newly  founded  kingdom 
that  he  inherited  from  his  father,  and  he  accomplished  it. 
He  retained  practically  all  that  was  left  to  him,  for  the  loss 
of  Edom  and  Damascus  did  not  seriously  affect  the  integrity 
of  his  dominions.  He  strengthened  and  widened  his  foreign 
alliances ;  he  fortified  and  beautified  his  dominion  by  vast 
building  operations ;  he  developed  the  national  resources  by 
systematizing  its  revenues,  and  extending  its  commerce ;  he 
gave  prestige  and  new  dignity  to  the  worship  of  Jehovah 
by  building  the  temple ;  and  as  a  result  he  made  the  kingdom 
of  Israel  to  all  appearances  a  wealthy  and  prosperous  nation. 


SOLOMON  157 

particularly  as  compared  with  the  surrounding  nations.  In 
fact,  under  him  Israel  reached  the  culmination  of  its  ma- 
terial growth,  never  to  be  surpassed  in  subsequent  history. 
This  is  most  probably  the  reason  why  his  and  his  father's 
reigns  were  ever  regarded  as  the  golden  age  of  Hebrew 
history  and  the  emblem  of  the  best  to  come. 

The  wealth  and  splendor  and  the  wisdom  of  Solomon 
have  become  proverbial.  But  in  the  light  of  higher  ideals, 
we  must  not  shut  our  eyes  to  the  fact  that  these  were 
founded  on  an  Oriental  despotism  contrary  to  the  principles 
of  universal  freedom  and  democracy.  His  wealth  was  pur- 
chased by  enslaving  his  subjects,  and  his  wisdom  failed  to 
teach  him  to  make  his  subjects  really  prosperous  and  con- 
tent. He  sowed  the  seed  of  revolt,  which  bore  fruit  as  soon 
as  he  was  removed  by  death.  His  wisdom,  as  illustrated  by 
his  decision  in  the  case  of  the  two  women  and  the  child 
(i  Kings  3.  16-28;  4.  29-34),  was  a  shrewd  common  sense, 
which  may  well  have  been  one  of  his  characteristics,  and 
some  proverbs  consisting  of  shrewd  observations  on  human 
conduct  may  well  have  come  from  him.  But  that  he  was 
the  author  of  the  book  of  Proverbs  and  the  book  of  Ecclesi- 
astes  is  probably  as  much  an  idealization  as  that  which 
makes  him  the  author  of  the  "Psalms  of  Solomon." 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Consider  the  throne  succession  in  Israel  as  the  cause  of  court 
intrigue  and  monarchical  despotism. 

2.  Note  the  commendable  and  harmful  qualities  of  Solomon's 
policies. 

3.  Draw  a  plan  of  Solomon's  court  and  buildings  and  of  the 
temple. 

4.  Estimate  the  character  and  achievements  of  Solomon. 

2.  Life  During  the  Monarchy 

119.  Social  Life.  The  century  that  elapsed  from  the 
founding  of  the  monarchy  until  the  death  of  Solomon 
brought  far-reaching  changes  to  Israel's  social  life.     The 


158  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

statement  that  the  king  "will  take  your  sons,  and  appoint 
them  unto  him,  for  his  chariots,  and  to  be  his  horsemen ; 
and  they  shall  run  before  his  chariots ;  and  he  will  appoint 
them  unto  him  for  captains  of  thousands,  and  captains  of 
fifties ;  and  he  will  set  some  to  plow  his  ground,  and  to  reap 
his  harvest,  and  to  make  his  instruments  of  war,  and  the 
instruments  of  his  chariots.  And  he  will  take  your  daugh- 
ters to  be  perfumers,  and  to  be  cooks,  and  to  be  bakers.  And 
he  will  take  your  fields,  and  your  vineyards,  and  your  olive- 
yards,  even  the  best  of  them,  and  give  them  to  his  servants. 
And  he  will  take  the  tenth  of  your  seed,  and  of  your  vine- 
yards, and  give  to  his  officers,  and  to  his  servants.  And 
he  will  take  your  men-servants,  and  your  maid-servant  and 
your  goodliest  young  men,  and  your  asses,  and  put  them  to 
his  work.  He  will  take  the  tenth  of  your  flocks ;  and  ye  shall 
be  his  servants"  (i  Sam  8.  11-17),  might  easily  be  taken  as 
recording  Israel's  experience  as  it  came  with  the  monarchy. 

It  formed  an  official  class,  a  bureaucracy,  through  the 
favoritism  and  grants  of  the  king  which  developed  into  a 
rich  aristocracy.  The  people,  on  the  other  hand,  bore  the 
main  burden  of  it  all;  so  that  while  the  rich  became  richer, 
the  poor  became  poorer,  creating  an  undesirable  class  con- 
sciousness, with  all  its  attendant  evils — a  little  later  the 
never-ceasing  theme  in  the  denunciation  of  the  prophets. 
The  ease  with  which  foreign  marriages  were  contracted, 
leading  to  the  introduction  of  foreign  cults,  had  its  marked 
effect  upon  social  ideals,  other  religions  being  lax  in  their 
requirements  of  social  purity.  The  growth  of  city  life 
also  enhanced  the  evils  of  luxury  and  licentiousness ;  and 
the  extension  of  commerce  brought  cosmopolitanism,  but 
also  the  vices  of  civilization.  Life  became,  thus,  more  com- 
plex, showing  itself  in  the  rise  of  an  artisan  class  in  addition 
to  the  trader  and  agriculturist  and  soldier.  The  relations 
of  Israel  to  the  Tyrians,  as  seen  in  the  accounts  of  Solomon's 
building  and  commercial  undertakings,  disclose  the  fact  that 
Israel  had  not — and,  indeed,  never — reached  that  point  of 


SOLOMON  159 

culture  when  it  could  supply  its  own  skilled  artificers  and 
mariners  to  carry  out  elaborate  building  operations  or  com- 
mercial enterprises  at  sea.  It  is  quite  evident  that  the 
Hebrews  were  not  artists  or  sailors. 

120.  Culture.  An  indication  of  advancing  culture, 
a  growing  out  of  more  settled  conditions,  was  the  attempts 
to  collect  the  national  literature.  To  this  period  most  prob- 
ably belong  the  two  collections,  "The  Book  of  the  Wars  of 
Jehovah,"  and  the  "Book  of  Jashar"  or  "The  Upright,"  of 
which  but  short  quotations  have  come  down  to  us.  But, 
judging  from  these,  it  would  appear  that  they  evidently  were 
a  collection  of  poems  celebrating  historic  scenes  and  heroic 
deeds  in  the  struggle  for  the  possession  of  the  land  of 
Canaan  (Num  21.  I4f.,  27-30;  Josh  10.  12,  13;  2  Sam 
I.  18-27;  3.  33f. ;  I  Kings  8.  i2f.).  The  four  poetic  utter- 
ances of  Balaam  (Num  2^^.  7-10,  18-24;  24.  3-9,  15-19),  it 
is  generally  considered,  reflect  the  period  of  the  united 
monarchy,  and  24.  I7f.  particularly  the  victory  of  David 
over  Moab  and  Edom.  In  like  manner  the  so-called  "Bless- 
ing of  Jacob"  (Gen  49)  reflects,  at  any  rate  in  some  of  its 
main  features,  the  same  period.  As  the  characteristic  of 
each  tribe  is  held  forth,  that  of  Judah  is  the  "scepter,"  point- 
ing clearly  to  Davidic  rule.  And  as  under  David  we  meet 
the  first  appointment  of  the  official  "recorder,"  it  seems 
quite  probable  that  within  this  period  belongs  the  beginning 
of  prose  records  or  annals  of  the  kings,  of  which  the  David 
stories  in  the  history  of  David's  reign  are  among  its  earliest 
examples. 

121.  Religion.  The  building  of  the  temple  at  Jeru- 
salem had  the  tendency  to  influence  strongly  the  develop- 
ment of  the  religion  of  Israel.  Now  again,  for  the  first  time 
since  their  desert  life,  the  Hebrews  had  one  central  sanc- 
tuary that  expressed  Israel's  religious  unity  In  Jehovah, 
their  God.  Not  that  it  was  the  only  legitimate  sanctuary, 
for  the  "high  places"  still  continued  in  use ;  but  its  splendor 
and  superior  sanctity  as  the  dwelling  place  of  the  ark  of 


i6o  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

the  covenant,  together  with  its  royal  and  national  character, 
tended  in  the  direction  of  the  centralization  of  worship, 
attained  in  subsequent  history.  In  like  manner  did  it  lead 
ultimately  to  the  exaltation  of  Jehovah  as  the  God  of  Israel 
and  the  God  of  the  world.  Not  that  this  newer  conception 
was  already  held  at  this  time.  We  have  already  seen  some 
phases  of  David's  limited  conception  of  God.  Jehovah  was 
Israel's  God ;  but  the  other  nations  had  their  gods.  David, 
driven  from  Canaan  to  the  Philistines,  when  he  says  ( i  Sam 
26.  19),  "to  serve  other  gods,"  expresses  the  view  of  his 
day  that  a  god  has  jurisdiction  in  his  own  land  only.  In 
this  light  we  can  understand  how  Solomon,  zealous  for  his 
God,  Jehovah,  in  building  to  him  a  temple,  can  at  the  same 
time  feel  no  compunction  in  building  temples  to  the  gods 
of  his  wives.  This  practice  later  generations,  with  more 
advanced  conceptions,  condemn  as  a  defection  from  Jehovah. 
But  the  temple,  the  nation,  and  the  king  became  nevertheless 
the  material  symbols  of  spiritual  ideas  of  religion — one  God 
and  one  kingdom  of  God — to  be  attained  in  due  time.  It 
may  be  said,  therefore,  that  the  period  from  the  beginning 
of  Hebrew  history  to  the  establishment  of  the  united  king- 
dom, ending  with  Solomon,  is,  broadly  speaking,  the  forma- 
tive period,  ending  when  Israel  had  reached  its  highest 
material  development,  beyond  which  it  never  went;  and 
having  thus  attained  its  physical  growth,  or  the  material 
foundation,  it  was  prepared  for  the  moral  and  spiritual 
growth  yet  to  come. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Estimate  the  changes  for  better  or  for  worse  that  the  establish- 
ment of  the  monarchy  brought  (i)  to  the  social  life,  (2)  to  Hebrew 
culture,  and  (3)  to  the  religion  of  Israel. 

2.  General  Review  of  the  Formative  Period :  Make  use  of  the 
outline  in  the  Table  of  Contents  and  the  section  headings  and 
obtain  a  comprehensive  view  of  the  movement  of  Hebrew  history 
from  its  earliest  beginnings  to  the  death  of  Solomon.  Indicate 
the  various  stages  of  growth  in  Israel's  national  life,  political,  social, 
moral,  and  religious. 


PART  II 

THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  PROPHETS 

FROM  THE  DIVISION  OF  THE  KING- 
DOM, 933   B.C.,  TO   THE   RESTOR- 
ATION UNDER  CYRUS,  538  B.C. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  KINGDOM  OF  ISRAEL 

From  the  Division  of  the  Kingdom  to  the  Fall  of 
Samaria,,  933-722  B.  C. 

I.    The  Division  of  the  Kingdom 

122.  The  Biblical  Sources.  The  sources  are  of  four 
kinds:  (i)  brief  annals  of  the  reigns  of  the  kings,  em- 
bodied in  a  framework  consisting  of  synchronous  dating 
of  the  kings  of  Judah  and  Israel,  based  upon  data  the 
annals  furnished,  and  estimates  of  the  reigns  of  each  king, 
according  to  the  standard  of  the  Deuteronomic  editor; 
(2)  popular  stories  concerning  Elijah  and  Elisha,  and  other 
prophets;  (3)  the  written  utterances  of  the  prophets  Amos, 
Hosea,  and  the  earlier  parts  of  Isaiah  and  Micah;  and 
(4)  for  the  history  of  Judah,  the  Chronicler  furnishes  an 
elaboration  of  the  material  of  Kings,  with  additions,  some 
of  which  are  based  upon  good  sources,  and  others  origin- 
ated with  him  as  illustrations  of  religious  truth. 

123.  The  Division  and  Its  Causes.     Upon  the  death    i  Kings  12. 1-25; 
of  Solomon,  Rehoboam,  his  son,  became  king.     In  Judah 

the  succession  was  accepted,  but  in  Israel,  where  a  popular 
assembly  was  gathered  at  Shechem,  its  character  was  to  be 
determined  before  the  ratification.  The  issue  was  the 
question  of  excessive  taxation.  Popular  discontent  had  been 
aroused  by  the  burdens  which  had  fallen  on  the  people  by 
the  extravagance  of  Solomon's  reign.  Representative  gov- 
ernment, also,  was  in  danger  through  the  tendency  to  make 
the  monarchy  hereditary  and  despotic  instead  of  elective. 

The  prophets,  who  always  stood  up  for  the  rights  of  the 
common  man,  did  not  hesitate  to  show  their  hostility  to 

163 


i64  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

the  prevailing  oppression  (i  Kings  ir.  29-39;  12.  21-24). 
The  old  tribal  jealousies  between  Judah  and  Israel  still 
existed,  and  the  man  (Jeroboam)  stood  ready  and  waiting 
to  champion  the  cause  of  the  people  by  raising  the  standard 
of  revolt  (i  Kings  11.  26-28,  40;  12.  15,  20).  When 
Rehoboam,  therefore,  obstinately  refused  to  give  the  people 
relief  the  Israelites  asserted  their  political  freedom,  and 
broke  away  from  the  house  of  David.  The  first  victim  of 
the  rebellion  was  Adoniram,  the  chief  tax  collector;  and 
Jeroboam,  who  conveniently  returned  from  his  exile  at 
this  crisis,  was  elected  king. 

124.  The  Political  Consequences.  The  united  Hebrew 
state,  the  achievement  of  David,  after  an  existence  of 
seventy-three  years  was  broken  in  two.  As  each  part 
sought  ascendency  over  the  other,  both  became  weakened 
by  constant  wars.  The  result  was  the  loss  of  their  depend- 
encies and  of  the  opportunity  of  becoming  a  world  power. 
But  the  political  consequences  were  not  altogether  evil,  for 
had  the  policy  of  Rehoboam  prevailed,  the  Hebrew  state 
might  have  developed  into  an  Oriental  despotism.  The 
revolt  was  in  the  interest  of  universal  democracy,  for  out 
of  it  grew  the  social  teachings  of  the  prophets  Amos  and 
Hosea. 

Old  Testament  history  has  now  to  deal  with  two  Hebrew 
kingdoms:  (i)  the  kingdom  of  Judah,  or  the  Southern 
Kingdom,  with  its  capital  Jerusalem;  relatively  inferior  in 
size,  fertility,  political  prestige,  and  religious  influence  to 
its  rival,  in  spite  of  its  advantages  as  regards  homogeneity 
of  population,  the  temple,  and  the  dynasty  of  David;  and 
(2)  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  or  the  Northern  Kingdom, 
with  its  capital  ultimately  at  Samaria,  overshadowing  its 
rival  in  wealth  and  numbers.  To  it  belong  for  two  cen- 
turies the  great  political  and  religious  movements,  for  it 
was  the  scene  of  the  great  Syrian  and  Assyrian  invasions 
and  of  the  activity  of  the  prophets  Elijah  and  Elisha,  Amos 
and  Hosea. 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  ISRAEL  165 

125.  The  Religious  Consequences.    To  secure  his  throne,   i  Kings  12. 2C-33 
Jeroboam   provided    for   his   kingdom   two    sanctuaries,   to 

rival  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  one  at  Dan,  in  the  extremest 
north,  and  the  other  at  Bethel,  in  the  extremest  south. 
Both  places  were  ancient  Israelite  sanctuaries;  but  the  in- 
novation consisted  in  placing  in  each  of  them  a  molten 
golden  calf  to  represent  Jehovah.  This  constituted  the 
sin  of  Jeroboam  the  son  of  Nebat,  "wherewith  he  made 
Israel  to  sin."  This  is  the  oft-repeated  accusation  of  the 
Deuteronomic  author  of  Kings;  and  by  far  the  larger  part 
of  his  account  of  Jeroboam's  reign  is  employed  to  enforce  J^  l^^^  '^' 
the  wickedness  of  this  act.  The  material  which  is  drawn 
from  the  popular  prophetic  stories  predicts  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  altar  of  Bethel;  and  illustrates  its  sacrilege  by 
telling  of  the  punishment  visited  upon  the  king,  whose 
hand  withers;  upon  a  prophet,  whom  a  lion  slays;  and 
again  upon  the  king,  who  loses  his  son  and  heir.  The 
"calf"  was  really  a  young  bull  or  heifer,  representing  among 
the  Canaanites  respectively  Baal  or  Astarte.  But  Jeroboam 
meant  them  to  represent  Jehovah  rather  than  Canaanite 
divinities  (12.  28).  Even  so,  their  Canaanite  character 
tended  to  make  Baalism  popular,  and  they  violated  the 
imageless  principle  of  Jehovah  worship  embodied  in  the 
second  commandment.  While  our  material  reflects  the 
Deuteronomic  attitude  in  condemning  Jeroboam's  act,  the 
prophetic  bands  of  his  own  day  were  already  ofifended  by  it. 

126.  From  Jeroboam  I  to  Omri.     The  kings  of  this   i  Kings  12.  25; 
period  were: 

Israel  Judah 

Jeroboam    933-912  Rehoboam 933-917 

Nadab    912-91 1  Abijam   916-914 

Baasha 91 1-888  Asa  913-873 

Elah   888-887  Jehoshaphat   873-849 

Zimri    7  days 

Within  a  period  of  forty-seven  years  five  kings  occupied 
the  throne  of  Israel.     Of  Jeroboam's  reign  of  twenty-two 


14.  ipf. 


1 66  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

years   (933-912)  nothing  further  is  recorded  than  that  he 

fortified      Shechem,     but     removed     thence     to      Penuel 

(Mahanaim)   on  the  east  Jordan  side,  being  driven  there, 

we  may  suppose,  either  by  his  rival  Rehoboam  or  by  the 

iKings  15.25-      invasion  of   Shishak,   king  of   Egypt    (14.   25).     His   son 

^^'^^  Nadab    (912-91 1)    reigned   but   two   years,   when   he   was 

assassinated   in   camp   while   his   army   was   besieging   the 

Philistine  city  of  Gibbethon  (possibly  the  modern  Kibbiah, 

northeast  of  Lydda)  by  Baasha,  one  of  his  generals,  who 

became  king,  and  in  Oriental  fashion  secured  his  throne 

by  slaying  all  the  descendants  of  Jeroboam. 

1  Kings  15.  32  to       Baasha's  reign  of  twenty-four  years  (911-888)  was  char- 

^^-  "^  acterized  by  the  aggressiveness  with  which  he  carried  on 

the  war  against  Judah,  blockading  Jerusalem  by  building 

Ramah  until  driven  off  by  Judah's  Syrian  ally,  Benhadad 

(15.   16-22;   16.  8-14).     His  son  Elah    (888-887)    reigned 

but  two  years,  when  he  was  assassinated,  while  drunk,  in 

his  palace   at   Tirzah,   by   his  general    (16.    15-20)    Zimri, 

who,   in  turn,  after  a  seven   days'   reign,   was  burned  by 

Omri. 

I  Kings  15.  9-24;       Asa  bears  the  reputation  of  a  religious  reformer.     Baal 

ron  14        .   ^Qj-gj^lp    ]-j^^j    made    inroads    into    Israel,    and,    under    the 

protection  of  the  queen-mother,  sacred  prostitution  had  been 

established.      Asa    took    rigorous    measures    against    these 

abominations.     The  invasion  of  Baasha  he  warded  off  by 

the  hired  aid  of  the  Syrians,  who  at  this  time  came  upon 

invitation,   but   later   when   not   invited   nor   wanted,   thus 

introducing  into  Israel's  history  the  increasingly  aggressive 

northern  power.     The  Chronicler  introduces  a  story  of  a 

Cushite  invasion  of  a  million  strong,  which  Asa  overcomes 

by  the  aid  of  prayer ;  but  he  later  used  this  victory  to  rebuke 

Asa  for  inviting  the  help  of  the  Syrians. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

I.  Consider  the  causes  of  the  division  of  the  Hebrew  kingdom 
and  the  part  the  prophetic  part  took. 


14 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  ISRAEL  167 

2.  Note  the  political  consequences  and  trace  on  a  map  the  extent 
of  the  two  kingdoms. 

3.  Note  the  religious  consequences  of  the  division  and  Jeroboam's 
real  intent. 

4.  Underscore  in  your  Bible  the  names  of  the  kings  and  place 
the  dates  in  the  margin. 

5.  Compare  the  account  of  Asa's  reign  in  Kings  and  Chronicles 
and  account  for  the  latter's  variations 

2.    The  Dynasty  of  Omri 
The  kings  of  this  period  were: 

Israel  Judah 

Omri   887-875  Jehoshaphat   873-849 

Ahab   875-854  Jehoram   849-842 

Ahaziah    854-853  Ahaziah   842 

Joram   853-842 

127.  The  Reign  of  Omri.    During  the  reign  of  Omri's   ^  ^^^s^  i^.  21-28: 
predecessors   Israel  had  been   losing  ground.      Moab   had 

revolted  and  extended  its  boundaries ;  Damascus  was  en- 
croaching on  Israel's  territory  in  the  northwest,  and  the 
nation  had  become  weakened  by  civil  war  and  internal 
feuds.  But  with  the  accession  of  Omri  Israel  experienced 
a  national  uplift,  and  his  reign  of  twelve  years  (887-875) 
was  distinguished  by  energy  and  statesmanship.  He  was 
the  David  of  the  Northern  Kingdom.  As  a  warrior  he  held 
in  check  the  Syrians,  and  subdued  afresh  the  Moabites, 
as  we  learn  from  the  ''Moabite  Stone."  The  Assyrians 
knew  Israel  of  this  period  as  ''the  land  of  Omri."  With 
the  Phoenicians  he  entered  into  friendly  relations  by  the 
marriage  of  his  son  i^hab  with  Jezebel,  the  daughter  of 
the  king  of  Tyre.  It  was  he  who  selected  the  site  of  the 
hill  on  which  to  build  Samaria,  which  for  the  purpose  of 
fortification  was  not  unlike  the  hill  of  Zion ;  and  it  was 
under  him  that  more  friendly  relations  with  Judah  began, 
leading  to  intermarriage  between  the  two  royal  houses. 

128.  Political  Events  in   Israel  and  Judah  to  Jehu,   ^^^angs  16. 29-34; 
Ahab,  Omri's  son  (875-854),  carried  forward  his  father's 


i68  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

policies  with  great  energy.  Like  Solomon,  he  was  a  builder, 
beautifying  his  capital,  Samaria.  His  marriage  with  Jezebel 
brought  him  Phcenicia's  friendship,  and  the  marriage  of 
his  daughter  Athaliah  with  Jehoram,  the  son  of  Jehoshaphat, 
king  of  Judah  (873-849),  brought  the  two  kingdoms  into 
closest  relations.  Two  campaigns  of  his  are  recorded 
against  the  Syrian  kingdom  of  Damascus,  in  both  of  which 
he  was  successful;  but  instead  of  following  up  his  victory 
over  Ben-hadad,  he  generously  aUied  himself  with  him 
under  protest  of  the  prophetic  party,  probably  in  order 
better  to  meet  the  aggressions  of  their  common  foe,  the 
Assyrians. 

In  the  battle  of  Karkar,  in  which  the  forces  of  Shal- 
maneser  III  (859-825  B.  C.)  met  the  coalition  of  kings 
of  the  Lebanon  region  and  Syria,  Ahab  was  present  with 
ten  thousand  men  and  two  thousand  chariots.^  But  after 
the  Assyrian  danger  was  over,  Ben-hadad  did  not  keep  his 
part  of  the  conditions  of  peace,  namely,  the  evacuation  of 
certain  cities  of  Israel,  and  especially  Ramoth-Gilead. 
Ahab  in  conjunction  with  Jehoshaphat  undertook  to  re- 
cover this  city,  against  the  advice  of  the  prophet  Micaiah, 
and  the  attempt,  in  spite  of  the  precautions,  cost  him  his 
Hfe. 

1  Kings  22. 41-50       Jehoshaphat  of  Judah,  like  his  father  Asa,  is  credited 

2  Chron  17  to  20  /  .  j  y  > 

with  religious  zeal  for  Jehovah  worship,  especially  by  the 
Chronicler,  for  which  he  is  rewarded  by  a  great  victory 
over  Moab  and  Ammon;  but  severely  censured  for  his 
friendship  with  Israel,  to  which  is  ascribed,  in  contrast  with 
the  account  in  Kings,  his  failure  in  an  attempt  to  build  a 
navy  (compare  i  Kings  22.  51-53,  with  2  Chron  20.  35-37). 
I  Kings  22.51-53;  The  successors  of  Ahab,  Ahaziah  (854-853)  and  Jehoram, 
8. 16;  9  '  '  or  Joram  (853-842),  and  of  Jehoshaphat,  Jehoram  (849- 
842),  and  Ahaziah  (842),  inherited  the  political  problems 
of  their  fathers,  namely,  the  revolt  of  their  dependencies. 


1  See  the   Monolith  Inscription,  line  pif.,  in  Rogers,   Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the 
Old  Testament,  p.  294ff. 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  ISRAEL  169 

Moab  and  Edom,  and  the  aggressiveness  of  the  Syrians; 
but  they  possessed  not  the  energy  and  force  to  cope  success- 
fully with  them.  'The  Moabite  Stone"  inscription  bears 
witness  to  the  military  successes  of  Mesha,  the  king  of 
Moab.  Ramoth-Gilead  was  still  in  the  hands  of  the  Syrians 
when  Jehu,  secretly  anointed  king  through  Elisha,  made  an 
end  of  the  dynasty  of  Omri  in  slaying  Jehoram,  and  at  the 
same  time  also  Ahaziah,  king  of  Judah,  who  was  on  a 
visit  in  Jezreel  with  the  king  of  Israel. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

Underscore  in  your  Bible  the  names  of  the  kings  and  insert  the 
dates  in  the  margin, 

2.  Note  the  important  character  of  Omri's  reign  and  look  up  the 
description  of  the  "Moabite  Stone"  in  the  Dictionary  of  the  Bible. 

3.  Note  Ahab's  alliance  with  Phoenicia  and  his  wars  with  Syria. 
Look  up  the  reference  to  Rogers's  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old 
Testament. 

4.  Compare  the  accounts  of  Jehoshaphat's  reign  in  Kings  and 
Chronicles  and  note  and  account  for  the  latter's  differences. 

5.  Note  the  simultaneous  end  of  the  kings  of  Israel  and  Judah. 

3.    The  Religious  and  Social  Crisis  in  Israel 

129.  Baalism.  With  the  reign  of  the  dynasty  of  Omri 
came  to  the  culmination  a  religious  and  social  movement 
that  had  been  in  process  of  development  during  the  centuries 
since  Israel  came  into  closer  contact  with  the  Canaanites — 
Baalism.  It  is  important  to  understand  well  the  nature  of 
this  cult  in  order  to  realize  its  attraction  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  opposition  to  it  on  the  other. 

Baalism,  as  practiced  among  the  Canaanites,  was  a  simple 
nature  religion  in  which  the  male  and  female  principles  of 
life  were  represented  by  a  bull  and  a  cow,  Baal  and  Baalath, 
or  Astarte.  The  words  literally  mean  ''master"  and 
"mistress,"  that  is,  of  the  soil,  the  source  of  the  products 
of  life.  It  was  the  religion  of  agricultural  people;  and 
the  worship  consisted  in  the  presentation  of  the  fruits  of 


I70  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

the  soil  as  a  tribute  to  the  divinity  that  had  caused  them. 
Associated  with  the  worship  were  festivities — harvest  fes- 
tivals— when  the  worshipers  would  gather,  eat  and  drink 
in  the  presence  of  the  divinity,  and  then  give  themselves 
over  to  promiscuous  and  immoral  intercourse  between  the 
sexes.  The  story  of  the  golden  calf  (Exod  32)  may  be 
taken  as  a  typical  description  of  such  riotous  acts,  when 
they  ''offered  burnt-offerings,  and  brought  peace-offerings ; 
anl  the  people  sat  down  to  eat,  and  to  drink,  and  rose  up 
to  play"  (v.  6)  ;  another  similar  description  is  that  of  the 
worship  of  Baal-peor  in  Num  25.  Another  form  this  cult 
took  consisted  in  the  institution  of  sacred  prostitution  in 
connection  with  the  sanctuaries,  and  provided  for  both 
male  and  female  prostitutes,  Chemarim  and  Kedeshoth. 

From  the  time  that  Israel  first  came  into  contact  with  the 
Canaanites  and  began  to  practice  agriculture  the  cult  ap- 
pealed to  them.  The  longer  they  lived  among  them  the 
more  opportunity  they  had  to  come  under  its  influence. 
The  establishment  of  the  monarchy  and  royal  foreign  alli- 
ances augmented  the  influence,  and  it  reached  its  climax 
when  the  Tyrian  Jezebel,  with  a  genuine  missionary  zeal 
for  her  religion,  sought  to  supplant  the  Jehovah  religion 
by  that  of  Baalism.  The  crisis  that  Israel  faced  was  not 
only  religious  but  also  social,  for  the  ideals  of  Baalism 
were  debauchery  and  prostitution,  or  in  modern  terms, 
drunkenness  and  free  love,  all  the  more  dangerous  because 
made  general  and  respectable  under  the  sanction  of 
religion. 

130.  The  Champions  of  Jehovah  against  Baalism.  The 
champions  of  the  pure  Jehovah  worship  and  life  were  the 
prophets  Elijah  and  Elisha,  and  associated  with  them  Jehu 
and  Jehonadab  ben  Rechab ;  and  it  is  noticeable  that  the 
reactiojj  originates  with  men  who  represent  the  ideals  of 
the  desert  life,  Horeb  and  Moses. 
21  Much  of  the  material  concerning  Elijah  and  Elisha  is 

\-^^to\i^^^      of   the  nature  of  popular   stories,   such  as  gather   round 


I  Kings  17  to  19. 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  ISRAEL  171 

personalities  that  have  made  an  impression  upon  their  time. 
Strictly  relevant  to  the  problem  of  Baalism  are:  (i)  the 
contest  on  Carmel,  (2)  the  theophany  at  Horeb,  (3)  the 
interview  with  Hazael,  and  (4)  the  anointing  of  Jehu,  his 
commission  and  its  execution. 

131.  The  Contest  on  Carmel.    The  account  is  that  of    i  Kings  18 
a  highly  dramatized  act  culminating  on  the  top  of  Carmel; 

but  we  need  to  get  behind  the  act  to  arrive  at  the  meaning. 
The  question  at  issue  was  ideals  of  religious  and  social 
living.  The  contest  on  Carmel,  historically  interpreted, 
summarizes  in  one  act  the  entire  activity  of  the  burning 
zeal  of  Elijah.  It  reflects  the  impression  that  desert  prophet 
had  made  upon  some  at  least  of  his  day  in  untiringly  pre- 
senting the  issue  involved  between  Jehovah  and  Baal. 
"How  long  go  ye  limping  hetzveen  the  two  sides?  If 
Jehovah  he  God,  follow  him;  hut  if  Baal,  then  follow  him," 
was  said  not  merely  once,  but  again  and  again,  and  with 
ever-increasing  fervor  and  persuasiveness. 

132.  The  Theophany  at  Horeb.    Here  also  we  must  get    i  Kings  19 
the  figure  of  vv.  9-14,  aided  by  vv.   15-18.     The  chapter 
implies  that  Elijah's  efforts  had  not  met  with  success,  and 
Baalism  was  still  a  problem.    A  new  method  must  be  found 

to  cope  with  it :  what  the  wind,  the  earthquake,  and  the  fire 
had  failed  to  accomplish  a  gentle  whispering  sound  should 
do ;  spasmodic  violence  should  give  way  to  quiet  planning. 
Historically  interpreted  in  the  light  of  vv.  15-18,  it  meant 
that  Baalism  could  not  be  dislodged  from  Israel  as  long  as 
the  dynasty  of  Omri  was  dominant ;  for  it  was  married 
through  Jezebel  to  Israel,  and  intermarried  through  her 
daughter  Athaliah  with  Judah,  and  well  intrenched  in  the 
land.  The  new  way  to  dispose  of  it  is  a  series  of  well  laid 
and  executed  plots  or  conspiracies  by  which  Hazael  shall 
become  king  of  Syria  and  Jehu  king  of  Israel ;  and  Elisha 
is  to  be  the  agent  to  carry  out  the  plan.  Baalism,  according 
to  this  new  program,  will  be  simultaneously  attacked  from 
three  sides,  so  "that  him  that  escapeth  from  the  sivord  of 


lO.  28 


172  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

Hazael  shall  Jehu  slay;  and  him  that  escapeth  from  the 
sword  of  Jehu  shall  Elisha  slay." 

^KingsS.  7-is  133.   The  Interview  of  Elisha  with  Hazael  is  the  first 

step  in  the  carrying  out  of  the  program.  In  the  form  of 
a  prediction  it  makes  Elisha  responsible  for  the  conspiracy 
by  which  Hazael  usurps  the  throne  of  Syria,  and  for  the 
havoc  that  follows  in  Israel  through  his  aggressions. 

:.  Kings  9. 1  to  134.    The  Anointing  and  Commission  of  Jehu.     The 

second  step  in  carrying  out  the  program  was  taken  when 
Elisha  sends  one  of  his  prophetic  disciples  to  Ramoth- 
Gilead,  where  the  army  of  Israel  is  at  war  with  the  Syrians, 
to  anoint  secretly  its  general  Jehu  and  to  commission  him 
with  the  total  destruction  of  the  house  of  Ahab.  Jehu  at 
once  sets  to  work  with  zeal  to  carry  out  the  commission. 
He  furiously  drives  to  Jezreel;  he  takes  Joram,  king  of 
Israel,  unawares  and  slays  him;  and  at  the  same  time 
mortally  wounds  Ahaziah,  king  of  Judah,  who  is  on  a  visit 
with  his  royal  cousin.  He  then  turns  his  attention  to 
Jezebel,  and  orders  her  to  be  hurled  from  the  window  of 
her  palace.  By  correspondence  he  conspires  with  the  elders 
of  Samaria  to  have  seventy  "sons"  of  Ahab  beheaded. 
Their  heads  are  promptly  forwarded  in  baskets  to  Jezreel, 
where  they  are  placed  in  two  heaps  at  the  entrance  of  the 
city.  On  his  way  to  Samaria,  Jehu  meets  with  forty-two 
relatives  of  Ahaziah,  king  of  Judah,  and  slays  them. 

But  the  climax  is  reached  when  Jehu  meets  a  man  after 
his  own  heart  in  Jehonadab  ben  Rechab,  representing  a 
nomadic  reaction  against  agricultural  voluptuousness  (Jer 
35.  6-19),  and  johis  hand  and  heart  with  him.  Together 
they  plan  to  entice  the  Baalites,  under  pretense  of  a  feast 
to  Baal,  into  the  courts  of  the  temple  in  Samaria,  and 
totally  slay  them.  'Thus  Jehu  destroyed  Baal  out  of  Israel" 
(v.  28). 

This  bloody  zeal  for  Jehovah,  the  first  systematic  reli- 
gious persecution,  carried  on  by  instigation  of  an  earlier 
type    of    prophetism,    can    be    justified    neither    on    moral 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  ISRAEL  173 

grounds  nor  by  the  results  which  it  aimed  to  achieve.  It 
is  not  persecution  but  conversion  by  which  reHgion  pros- 
pers; and  soon  after  a  more  enhghtened  prophetism  con- 
demns Jehu's  bloodshed  by  the  announcement,  "I  will 
avenge  the  blood  of  Jezreel  upon  the  house  of  Jehu" 
(Hos  I.  4).  Jehu  did  not  really  destroy  Baalism,  for  its 
persistence  in  one  form  or  another  is  witnessed  by  the 
preaching  against  it  of  the  prophets  a  century  later  (con- 
fer Hos  2.  8-13). 

135.    Israel  and  Judah's  Decline.     The  kings  of  this   2  Kings  10. 29-36 

time  were : 

Israel  Judah 

Jehu   842-815     Aihaliah    842-836 

Jehoahaz    814-798     Joash    836-797 

The  political  effects  of  Jehu's  violent  policy  were  disas- 
trous ;  it  weakened  the  national  force  so  that  Israel  became 
the  ready  prey  of  its  enemies;  and  for  a  period  of  half  a 
century  it  suffered  a  serious  decline.  On  Shalmaneser's 
Black  Obelisk  Jehu  is  depicted  with  prostrate  form  before 
the  King  of  Assyria,  and  underneath  his  figure  is  the 
legend,  "Jehu  of  the  land  of  Omri" ;  and  beneath  the  reliefs 
is  recorded  his  tribute:  "Silver,  gold,  a  bowl  of  gold,  a 
basin  of  gold,  cups  of  gold,  pails  of  gold,  bars  of  lead, 
scepters  for  the  hand  of  the  king,  and  balsam  woods." 

The  biblical  historian  records  that  "in  those  days  Jehovah 
began  to  cut  off  from  Israel :  and  Hazael  smote  them  in  all 
the  borders  of  Israel."  During  Jehu's  reign  (842-815)  the 
Syrians  took  from  Israel  the  entire  east  Jordan  province ;  2  Kings  13. 1-9 
and  under  that  of  his  successor,  Jehoahaz  (814-798),  it 
suffered  further  humiliation  at  their  hands,  being  reduced 
to  a  mere  dependency,  with  a  very  limited  military  force. 

In  Judah,  Athaliah  avenged  Jehu's  murder  of  her  mother   2  Kings  n-ia 
Jezebel   by   slaying   the   innocent   Davidic   seed   royal   and 
holding  the  throne  for  six  years   (842-836).     But  one  of 
the   royal   line   escaped.   Joash,   and    was   kept    secretly   by 


174  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

his  aunt.  When  the  boy  was  seven  years  old  his  priestly 
guardian,  Jehoiada,  planned  a  revolution  with  the  aid  of 
the  temple  guards,  by  which  Joash  was  proclaimed  king 
and  Athaliah  slain.  The  young  king  showed  the  priestly 
influence  of  his  early  environment  by  the  interest  he  took 
in  the  repair  of  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  which  had  been 
sadly  neglected;  and  he  also  took  steps  to  remove  Baalism 
from  Judah.  His  reign  lasted  forty  years  (836-797) ;  al- 
though he  also  felt  the  powerful  hand  of  Hazael,  who 
captured  the  Philistine  city  of  Gath,  and  was  bought  off 
from  laying  siege  to  Jerusalem  only  by  the  treasures  of 
the  king's  palace  and  the  temple. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Consider  well  the  character  of  Baalism  and  the  social  and  reli- 
gious problems  it  presented.  With  what  national  problem  of  our  day 
may  they  be  compared? 

2.  Consider  the  program  and  methods  employed  in  dealing  with 
the  problem  and  judge  whether  they  might  still  be  employed. 

3.  Underscore  the  names  of  the  kings  and  insert  the  dates  in  the 
margin  of  your  Bible. 

4.  Look  up  Shalmaneser's  Black  Obelisk  and  the  reference  to 
Jehu  in  Rogers's  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old  Testament,  pp. 
303f.  and  Plates  31  f. 

5.  Compare  the  reign  of  Joash  in  Kings  and  Chronicles. 

4.    The  Political  Recovery  of  Israel  and  Judah 

The  kings  of  this  time  were: 

Israel  Judah 

Jehoash   798-783      Amaziah     797-779 

Jeroboam  II 783-743      Azariah   (Uzziah) 779-740? 

a  Kings  13.  IO-2S  136.  The  Reign  of  Jehoash.  With  the  beginning  of 
the  eighth  century  the  fortunes  of  Israel  and  Judah  began 
to  change,  and  before  the  middle  of  the  century  they  to- 
gether had  regained  their  political  greatness — a  greatness  not 
inferior  to  that  of  David's.  The  cause  of  the  change  is  briefly 
hinted  at  in  the  words,  ''And  Jehovah  gave  Israel  a  saviour. 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  ISRAEL  175 

so  that  they  went  out  from  under  the  hand  of  the  Syrians" 
(13.  5).  This  saviour  was  none  other  than  the  Assyrians, 
although  some  take  the  reference  to  point  to  Jeroboam  II 
(14.  26f.).  The  records  of  Adad-nirari  II  (812-783  B.  C.)- 
give  an  account  of  his  extensive  conquest  which  included 
the  whole  of  Syria,  the  land  of  Omri,  that  is,  Israel,  Edom, 
and  Philistia ;  but  he  particularly  laid  low  the  Syrians  of 
Damascus,  whose  king,  named  Mari,  he  shut  up  in  Damas- 
cus, his  royal  city,  and  made  him  surrender.  This  ^Mari 
was  probably  a  usurper  who  had  seized  the  throne  upon 
the  death  of  Hazael,  and  soon  afterward  was  displaced  by 
Ben-hadad  III.  The  Assyrian  victory  had  broken  the  power 
of  Damascus,  and  Jehoash,  urged  by  the  aged  Elisha,  smote 
Ben-hadad  thrice  and  recovered  the  cities  Israel  had  lost, 
although  with  the  expenditure  of  a  little  more  energy  he 
might  have  done  even  better. 

Jehoash  also  won  a  victory  over  Amazlah,  king  of  Judah  *  ^°«f®  ^^-  '"^° 
(797-779),  who  after  he  had  avenged  his  father's  murder, 
and  had  recovered  Sela  of  Edom,  considered  himself  strong 
enough  to  invite  a  quarrel  with  Jehoash.  But  the  latter 
defeated  him  at  Beth-shemesh,  broke  down  a  part  of  the 
wall  of  Jerusalem,  and  made  Judah  subject  to  Israel. 
Conspirators  pursued  the  king  to  Lachish  and  slew  him. 

137.  The  Reigns  of  Jeroboam  II  and  Uzziah.  In  the 
reign  of  these  kings  both  Israel  and  Judah  reached  the 
height  of  their  political  prosperity,  unsurpassed  even  by 
that  of  David  and  Solom^on. 

Jeroboam  II  (781-740),  to  whom  is  ascribed  a  long  reign  2  Kings  14  23-29 
of  forty-one  years,  pursued  the  policy  of  his  father  with 
great  energy.  Of  him  it  is  recorded  that  "  he  restored 
the  border  of  Israel  from  the  entrance  of  Mamath  unto  the 
sea  of  the  Arabah"  (v.  25).  This  implies  the  total  subju- 
gation of  the  Syrian  kingdom  of  Damascus  to  its  most 
northerly  extremity  as  well  as  that  of  Moab. 

The  vassalship  of  Judah  to  Israel  apparently  continued, 

*  Sec  Rogers,  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  307ff. 


176  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

but  did  not  prove  a  disadvantage,  and  in  Judah  also  the 
j-^i55f  ^*'  "^''  boundaries  were  extended  southward.  Azariah,  who  also 
2  chron  26  bears  the  name  of   Uzziah,  has  ascribed  to  him  by  the 

Chronicler  an  even  longer  reign  of  fifty-two  years.  But 
Uzziah  was  a  leper,  and  his  son  Jotham  acted  as  co-regent, 
and  the  dates  are  confused.  Uzziah  (779-740?)  completed 
the  restoration  of  Elath,  which  was  begun  by  his  father, 
and  thus  opened  up  afresh  the  commercial  traffic  on  the 
Red  Sea,  as  in  the  days  of  Solomon.  The  Chronicler 
adds,  from  what  appear  good  sources,  that  he  extended 
his  conquests  into  PhiHstia,  the  Negeb,  and  Ammon;  and 
that  he  carried  on  building  enterprises  in  Jerusalem  and 
equipped  his  army.  The  Chronicler  also  accounts  for 
Uzziah's  leprosy  by  ascribing  to  him  an  attempt  to  assume 
priestly  functions  in  the  temple. 

The  total  effect  of  these  reigns  was  a  remarkable  revival 
of  prosperity,  which,  together  with  the  approach  of  the 
Assyrians,  brought  about  conditions  in  Israel  and  Judah 
that  gave  rise  to  a  movement  the  most  important  in  Hebrew 
history,  the  Rise  of  the  New  Prophetism. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Underscore  the  names  of  the  kings  and  insert  the  dates  in 
your  Bible. 

2.  Look  up  the  reference  to  Rogers. 

3.  Note  well  the  meager  biblical  data  in  Kings  and  the  great 
importance  of  this  period  and  the  means  of  supplementing  the  data. 

5.    The   Social   and   Religious   Life   of   the   Divided 
Kingdom  to  the  New   Prophetism 

138.  The  Biblical  Data.  The  popular  stories  of  the 
prophets  of  this  period,  of  less  value  as  sources  for  the 
political  history,  are  of  greater  service  as  throwing  light 
upon  the  social  and  religious  life  of  this  time,  all  the  more 
so  because  they  are  nearly  contemporaneous  with  the  time 
with  which  they  deal.    The  prophets  of  these  stories  stand, 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  ISRAEL  177 

as  it  were,  half  way  between  the  earher  type  of  prophetism 
represented  by  the  seer  Samuel  and  the  representatives  of 
the  new  prophetism,  Amos  and  Hosea;  and  we  find  in 
them  the  material  to  trace  the  intervening  steps  in  the 
process  of  development  of  the  most  characteristic  element 
of  Hebrew  religion. 

139.  The  Political  and  Social  Ideals.  The  manner  in 
which  Elijah  rebukes  Ahab  for  robbing  Naboth  of  his 
vineyard  may  be  taken  as  a  typical  example  of  the  manner 
in  which  the  prophets  of  this  time  stand  up  for  the  rights 
of  the  common  Israelite  against  the  aggressions  of  the 
king  and  his  aristocracy.  Another  illustration  is  the  sym- 
pathy of  the  prophetic  party  with  representative  Israel  in 
breaking  away  from  Rehoboam,  when  he  refused  relief 
from  burdensome  taxation.  The  story  of  Elijah's  miracu- 
lous increase  of  the  widow's  oil  and  meal  and  the  raising 
of  her  son  reflect  similarly  the  prophet's  sympathy  for  the 
needs  of  the  poor.  The  civil  laws  of  the  Book  of  the 
Covenant,  its  laws  of  damages,  for  instance,  show  respect 
for  the  rights  of  the  individual.  The  burning  zeal  of  the 
prophets  against  Baalism  was  in  the  interest  of  the  home 
and  social  purity. 

140.  The  Religious  and  Ethical  Ideals.  Tha^E  Israel 
is  Jehovah's  people  and  Jehovah  Israel's  God,  is  a  prominent 
conception;  and  it  accounts  for  the  jealousy  which  the 
prophets  Elijah  and  Elisha  exhibit  when  Baal  or  Baal- 
zebub,  the  god  of  Ekron  (2  Kings  i.  2-4,  16),  receives  the 
honors  due  to  Jehovah.  But  Jehovah  is  still  thought  of  as 
limited  to  the  soil  of  the  land  of  Israel ;  and  when  Naaman, 
the  Syrian,  begs  of  Elisha  to  be  allowed  to  carry  with  him 
two  mules'  load  of  earth  to  build  thus  on  the  soil  of  Israel 
an  altar  to  Jehovah  in  Damascus,  the  prophet  does  not 
tell  him  that  Jehovah  is  the  God  of  all  the  earth,  but  allows 
him  his  request  (2  Kings  5.  i5ff.).  Elijah  does  not  con- 
sider the  sanctuaries  outside  of  Jerusalem  as  illegitimate, 
but  calls  the   altars  of    Israel   Jehovah's   altars    (i    Kings 


178  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

19.  14).  Neither  does  Ahab  mean  to  renounce  Jehovah  by 
allowing  his  wife  Jezebel  to  worship  her  god,  for  he  shows 
his  adherence  to  Jehovah  by  naming  his  children  after 
him,  as  Ahaz-Jah,  in  which  the  last  syllable  stands  for 
Jehovah.  These  facts  indicate  that  the  conception  of  mono- 
theism had  not  yet  been  attained,  but  only  that  of  monolatry, 
which  requires  only  that  each  nation  should  be  true  to 
its  god. 

A  most  striking  characteristic  of  the  religious  concep- 
tion of  this  period  is  what  may  be  called  the  consciousness 
of  the  physical  nearness  of  Jehovah.  It  expresses  itself  in 
the  anthropomorphisms  in  J's  narratives,  speaking  of 
God  as  if  he  were  man;  and  in  the  prophetic  stories  in 
the  abundance  of  miracles  which  the  prophets  Elijah  and 
Elisha,  as  men  possessed  of  God,  accomplish.  They  divide 
rivers,  bring  fire  from  heaven,  make  iron  swim,  strike 
whole  armies  with  blindness,  know  other  people's  secrets, 
raise  the  dead,  even  after  their  own  deaths.  All  this 
emphasizes  the  magic  and  mantic  aspect  of  this  earlier 
prophetism  in  contrast  with  the  spiritual  and  ethical  ele- 
ments which  predominate  with  the  prophets  of  later  time. 
The  ethical  ideals  of  this  time  are  thus  correspondingly 
lower.  It  does  not  seem  wrong  for  a  prophet  like  Elisha 
to  curse  children  who  cry  after  him,  *'Bald  head,"  so  that 
forty-two  of  them  are  torn  by  she-bears  (2  Kings  2.  23f¥.)  ; 
nor  to  instigate  conspiracies  and  bloodshed,  as  has  been 
pointed  out,  to  drive  out  Baalism,  policies  which  later 
prophetism  condemns. 

Yet  these  prophets  and  their  prophetic  disciples  formed 
into  bands  were  religious  and  patriotic  enthusiasts,  with 
a  zeal  for  Jehovah,  but  not  according  to  the  higher  knowl- 
edge yet  to  come  in  the  process  of  divine  revelation. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

I.  Read  the  stories  about  Elijah  (i  Kings  17  to  19  and  21),  and 
about  Elisha   (2  Kings  2;  4  to  6;  8;  and  13),  for  the  light  they 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  ISRAEL  179 

throw  on  the  social  and  religious  conditions  of  this  time.  Note 
the  function  of  the  prophets  and  the  "sons  of  the  prophets." 

2.  Read  the  Book  of  the  Covenant  (Exod  20.  22  to  23.  33),  as 
the  law  code  in  force  at  this  time  and  note  what  social  and  religious 
conditions  it  reflects. 

3.  Read  Gen  2.  4  to  3  and  J's  account  of  the  Flood  (see  Sections 
23f.)   for  the  conception  of  God  of  this  time. 

4.  Compare  the  character  and  methods  of  Elijah  with  those  of 
£^lisha. 

6.    The  New  Prophetism 

141.  The  Biblical  Data.  For  the  most  crucial  time  in 
Hebrew  history,  when  both  kingdoms  come  to  an  end,  the 
books  of  Kings  have  but  the  briefest  statements  and  leave 
us  often  without  adequate  information  to  understand  the 
situation.  But,  fortunately,  another  type  of  literature  comes 
to  our  aid  in  the  books  of  the  Writing  Prophets,  as  the 
prophets  from  Amos  on  are  called  (Section  8). 

142.  The  Character  of  the  New  Prophetism.  Prophet- 
ism, as  we  have  seen  (Section  69),  goes  back  to  the  time 
of  Moses,  and  has  appeared  throughout  Hebrew  history; 
but  while  it  had  its  prior  development,  it  assumes  from 
the  middle  of  the  eighth  century  such  a  form  as  to  permit 
it  to  be  called  new.  The  outlook  has  now  become  remark- 
ably broader  and  deeper:  there  appears  a  new  emphasis 
upon  ethical  principles ;  nationalism  broadens  into  universal- 
ism,  and  henotheism,  or  monolatry,  into  monotheism — 
features  which  constitute  the  uniqueness  of  the  religion  of 
the  Old  Testament. 

A  combination  of  causes  accounts  for  the  new  phenomena : 

1.  The  peculiar  social  conditions  of  the  times  of  Jeroboam  II 
and  Uzziah,  when  one  class  of  the  nation  has  suddenly 
become  affluent,  leading  to  excesses  of  luxury,  arrogance, 
and  pride,  oppression  of  the  poor,  and  licentiousness  and 
immorality  under  the  sanction  of  foreign  types  of  religion. 

2.  The  peculiar  political  conditions  due  to  the  aggressions 
of  the  Assyrians,  who  though  they  have  appeared  before, 
come  now  with  resistless  force,  sweeping  all  before  them. 


i8o 


OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 


Amos  7.  10-17 


Amos  3.  3-8 


3.  Most  important  of  all,  the  rise  of  men  and  women  (for 
there  are  prophetesses)  who  have  come  under  the  influence 
of  the  broader  culture  of  their  times  without  being  blinded 
by  it;  who  know  of  principles  of  justice  and  purity,  mercy 
and  love;  who  have  come  into  living  touch  with  God,  and 
interpret  the  movement  of  their  time  in  the  light  of  his 
demands  and  purposes;  who  live  near  enough  to  God  to 
hear  his  call  to  go  out  and  bring  Israel  and  Judah  back 
from  their  way  to  certain  destruction ;  who  with  courage 
and  zeal,  patience  and  love  counsel  king  and  people,  urge, 
rebuke,  and  plead,  by  word  and  deed,  symbolic  action  and 
written  messages,  in  pursuit  of  their  divine  commission  to 
save  the  nation. 

These  men  are  the  prophets,  in  the  newer  significance, 
not  merely  foretellers  of  events  to  come,  but  forth-tellers 
of  God's  purposes  in  the  world:  a  combination  of  statesman, 
reformer,  theologian,  preacher,  and  author. 

143.  The  Prophet  Amos.  The  first  of  these  prophets 
is  Amos,  the  shepherd-prophet  of  Tekoa.  He  was  a  native 
of  Judah,  but  was  impelled  to  carry  his  message  to  Israel, 
where  the  crisis  was  more  imminent,  appearing  there  about 
750  B.  C,  in  the  last  decade  of  the  reign  of  Jeroboam. 
He  selected  Bethel,  one  of  the  northern  royal  sanctuaries, 
as  the  seat  of  his  activity,  and  boldly  announced  the  down- 
fall of  Israel  and  the  end  of  King  Jeroboam.  Accused  of 
treachery,  he  defended  himself  by  asserting  that  it  was 
Jehovah  who  had  called  him  to  deliver  this  message;  that 
he  was  no  professional  prophet,  but  had  heard  Jehovah's 
call,  which  he  likens  to  the  roar  of  a  lion  behind  his  back, 
while  he  was  following  the  flock.  On  the  lonely  heights 
of  Tekoa  we  may  imagine  this  seer  contemplating  the  evil 
social  and  religious  conditions  of  Israel  in  the  light  of 
Jehovah's  righteousness,  until  his  soul  burned  within  him 
in  holy  passion  and  drove  him  as  a  pursuing  terror  to 
deliver  his  message. 

144.  The  Book  of  Amos.     It  falls  into  three  parts: 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  ISRAEL  i8i 

I.  Chapters  i  and  2:  is  introductory,  and  consists  of  an 
arraignment  of  the  nations,  Gaza,  Tyre,  Edom,  Ammon, 
Moab,  Judah,  and  Israel,  and  announces  their  punish- 
ment for  having  violated  universally  regarded  dictates  of 
morality.  2.  Chapters  3  to  6:  consisting  of  three  dis- 
courses, each  beginning  with  an  emphatic  "Hear  ye  this 
word,"  enlarging  on  the  sins  of  Israel — its  maladministra- 
tion of  justice,  oppression  of  the  poor,  immorahty  in  the 
name  of  religion,  self-indulgence  and  luxury,  ingratitude, 
and  stubborn  indifference  and  carelessness.  3.  Chapters 
7  to  9:  consisting  of  a  series  of  five  visions  announcing  the 
impending  destruction,  conceived  as  coming  through  a 
foreign  invasion  by  the  Assyrians,  though  not  named  (5.  2"]  \ 
6.  7,  14)  ;  and  closing  with  an  epilogue,  which  predicts  a 
restoration,  probably  a  post-exilic  enlargement  of  an  original 
nucleus. 

145.  The  Message  of  Amos.  We  may  summarize 
the  essential  teachings  of  Amos  as  follows:  (i)  The  God 
of  Israel  is  Jehovah,  the  God  of  hosts,  that  is,  the  creator 
of  the  universe  and  the  controller  of  the  forces  of  nature 
(4.  13;  5.  8;  4.  7-9)  ;  (2)  Jehovah  is  the  God  of  universal 
history,  taking  an  interest  in  the  moral  movements  of  all 
nations  (i.  13-15;  5.  2J ',  6.  14;  9.  7);  (3)  the  choice  of 
Israel  was  not  for  its  own  sake,  but  for  the  sake  of  its 
mission  to  the  world  (3.  2;  5.  18;  6.  13)  ;  (4)  religion  and 
morahty  belong  together  (2.  8;  4.  4f . ;  5.  21-24)  ;  (5)  Social 
injustice  results  ultimately  in  the  ruin  of  a  nation  (2.  6; 
3.  10;  5.  7,  I  if.;  6.  12;  8.  4-6);  (6)  righteousness  will 
ultimately  triumph  and  Israel  be  restored  (9.  11-15). 

It  will  be  observed  that  Amos  gives  here  expression  to 
great  fundamentals  of  religious  truth,  toward  which  we 
ourselves  are  still  striving.  The  prophets  that  follow  are 
much  indebted  to  him  for  the  principles  which  they  re- 
iterate and  enlarge  upon. 

146.  The  Elohist  Source  in  the  Hexateuch.  As  be- 
longing to  the  Northern  Kingdom  and  to  about  the  time 


i82  OLD  TESTAjMENT  HISTORY 

of  the  prophet  Amos  (cir.  750),  the  Elohist  source  of  the 
Hexateuch  (E)  must  here  receive  some  notice.  The  im- 
press that  the  prophetic  collector  and  editor  of  the  early 
traditions  has  given  to  his  material  reveals  that  he  shares 
the  conceptions  of  the  newer  prophetism.  In  contrast  with 
J,  E's  conception  of  God  is  no  longer  anthropomorphic. 
God  no  longer  appears  in  form  like  a  man,  but  reveals 
himself  in  visions  or  dreams,  or  makes  his  will  known  by 
a  voice  from  heaven.  The  moral  tone  is  also  more  elevated, 
showing  itself  negatively  by  the  softening  down  or  entire 
omission  of  traditional  matter  having  a  questionable  moral 
character;  but  more  positively  it  shows  itself  in  the  place 
he  gives  to  the  Decalogue  as  the  basis  of  Jehovah's  covenant 
with  Israel.  As  the  author  did  not  create  but  only  used 
older  material,  the  reflection  is  not  uniformly  clear;  never- 
theless, we  can  perceive  reflecting  from  it  the  more  spiritual 
and  ethical  monotheism  of  the  eighth  century. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Consider  the  origin  and  character  of  the  new  prophetism. 

2.  Consider  by  what  means  God  called  Amos  to  his  mission  and 
note  the  way  he  describes  his  call. 

3.  Mark  your  Bible  so  as  to  bring  out  the  contents  and  main 
divisions  of  the  book  of  Amos. 

4.  Study  carefully  the  passages  embodying  the  essential  teachings 
of  Amos. 

5.  Read  the  following  selections  from  E  and  note  what  are  the 
characteristic  religious  conceptions:  Gen  20.  1-17;  22.  1-4,  19; 
35.  1-8. 

7.    The  End  of  the  Northern  Kingdom 
The  kings  of  this  time  were: 

Israel  Judah 

Zechariah   6  months 

Shallum    i  month 

Menahem    743-737      Jotham   740-736 

Pekahiah    737-736 

Pekah   7Z^-7Z^      Ahaz   736-728 

Hoshea    730-722      Hezekiah   727-699 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  ISRAEL  183 

147.  The  Political  Changes  after  Jeroboam  II.     It  is 

evident  that,  as  Amos  foresaw,  Israel  possessed  not  suffi- 
cient moral  force  to  prolong  its  existence,  but  rapidly 
hastened,  like  overripe  fruit,  to  its  end.  The  period  that 
followed  the  death  of  Jeroboam  was  one  of  unceasing  3  Kings  15. 8-ia 
internal  broils  and  bloody  revolutions.  Jeroboam's  son, 
Zechariah,  reigned  but  six  months,  and  he  was  publicly 
assassinated  by  Shallum,  who  reigned  but  one  month.  He 
in  turn  was  assassinated  by  Menahem  (743-737),  who  2  Kings  15. 13-aa 
cruelly  beat  down  all  opposition.  It  appears  that  an  influ- 
ential party  in  the  state,  dissatisfied  with  Menahem,  sought 
aid  from  Egypt  (Hos  7.  11;  12.  i)  to  remove  him;  while 
he,  on  his  side,  took  advantage  of  an  invasion  of  Tiglath 
Pileser  (Pul),  king  of  Assyria  (738),  to  secure  aid  to 
retain  his  throne  by  paying  a  tribute  of  one  thousand 
talents  of  silver  and  becoming  an  Assyrian  vassal.  The 
tribute  money  he  secured  by  taxing  his  wealthy  subjects 
fifty  talents  each,  making  them  pay  for  what  they  did  not 
want,  and  by  one  stroke  secured  his  crown  against  both  his 
enemies  within  and  without.  But  this  going  to  Egypt  and 
Assyria  cost  them  dearly,  for  it  embroiled  them  in  the 
quarrels  of  the  two  great  empires  and  led  Israel  finally 
to  ruin. 

148.  The  Prophet  Hosea.  The  second  great  prophet 
of  the  Northern  Kingdom  was  Hosea,  a  native  of  the 
north,  for  he  calls  its  king  "our  king"  (7.  5).  He  began 
his  activity  as  a  contemporary  of  Amos  in  the  time  of 
Jeroboam,  but  continuing  through  the  troublesome  decade 
that  followed.  His  book  falls  into  two  main  parts,  one 
of  which,  chs.  I  to  3,  belongs  to  the  earlier  period,  and 
the  other,  chs.  4  to  14,  to  the  latter. 

The  first  part  consists  of  three  sections:  Chs.  i.  2  to  2.  i, 
what  appears  to  be  the  personal  history  of  Hosea ;  ch.  2. 
2-23,  a  highly  elaborate  metaphor  of  the  relation  of  Jehovah 
to  Israel  as  man  and  wife;  and  ch.  3,  a  symbolic  action, 
apparently   a   part  of   Hosea's   personal   history   in   which 


i84  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

he  restores  his  unfaithful  wife.  The  two  sections  contain- 
ing the  personal  elements  have  from  earliest  time  given 
interpreters  great  difficulties.  The  prevailing  modern  view 
is  that  they  are  semi-historical;  conveying  the  prophet's 
personal  experiences.  He  learns,  it  is  said,  gradually  the 
unfaithfulness  of  his  wife,  whom  he  passionately  loves, 
and  whom,  after  all  her  erring,  he  seeks  to  restore.  In  these 
experiences  Hosea  learns  the  love  of  God  toward  sinful 
Israel  and  receives  his  call  to  his  mission.  The  present 
writer  has  felt  compelled  to  dissent  from  this  current 
interpretation  as  no  more  satisfactory  than  the  allegorical 
which  it  displaced.  The  first  section,  chs.  i.  2  to  2.  i,  is 
like  the  title  itself,  v.  i.  i,  an  editorial  expanding  of  the 
elements  contained  in  the  other  two  sections,  and  is  midrash 
or  didactic  history.  The  social  and  religious  conditions 
of  Hosea's  times,  in  which  immoral  conduct  was  of  common 
occurrence  in  religious  service  (4.  I3f.),  gave  the  prophet 
the  figures  under  which  to  present  Israel's  forsaking  of 
Jehovah  as  an  act  of  adultery,  figures  both  figuratively 
and  literally  true. 

The  second  part  of  the  book,  chs.  4  to  14,  gives  a  sad 
picture  of  decaying  Israel :  the  king  and  princes  are  given 
over  to  debauch;  deceit  and  intrigue  prevail  (4.  18;  7.  3-7; 
10.  3f.) ;  the  priests  have  no  respect  for  law  and  are  com- 
mon robbers  (4.  6;  6.  9)  ;  the  rich  obtain  their  wealth  by 
fraud  (12.  7f.)  ;  perjury,  lies,  deceit,  theft,  and  adultery 
are  common  practices,  and  life  and  property  are  not  safe 
(4.  2,  11;  7.  i)  ;  religion  does  not  lack  in  ceremonialism, 
but  it  is  saturated  with  the  lewd  Canaanite  Baalism  (8.  4-6 ; 
10.  5;  13.  2;  4.  12-14)  j  it  is  no  wonder  that  under  these 
conditions  Israel's  foreign  policy  is  suicidal  by  playing  into 
the  hands  of  Egypt  and  Assyria  (6.  8-16). 

149.  The  Message  of  Hosea.  Hosea,  like  Amos,  was  a 
preacher  of  righteousness,  declaring  that  the  evil  conduct 
of  Israel  will  receive  the  punishment  of  God  in  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  nation  (5.  8f.  .  .  .  14;  7.  16;  9.  6f. ;  10.  2).  He  in 


THE  KINGDOAI  OF  ISRAEL  185 

like  manner  insists  upon  the  uselessness  of  religion  without 
morality,  and  it  was  he  who  first  gave  utterance  to  a  saying 
quoted  by  the  Master :  "I  desire  goodness,  and  not  sacrifice; 
and  the  knozvledge  of  God  more  than  hurnt-ojferings"  (6.  6; 
compare  Matt  9.  13).  Hosea  evidently  believed  that  Israel 
had  no  business  to  play  a  role  in  international  politics;  and 
he  repeatedly  declares  that  their  attempts  in  that  direction 
instead  of  doing  right,  or  going  to  Jehovah  in  their  need, 
will  prove  a  failure  and  their  loss  (5.  13;  7.  iif. ;  8.  8; 
12.  i).  He  repeatedly  makes  use  of  the  phrase  "the 
knowledge  of  God"  (4.  i,  6;  6.  6;  2.  20;  5.  4),  by  which 
he  means  religious  insight,  an  intelligent,  moral,  and  we 
may  add,  experimental  appreciation  of  the  nature  and  pur- 
poses of  Jehovah.  Above  all,  Hosea  is  the  herald  of  the 
love  of  God.  In  two  splendidly  elaborated  metaphors  he 
pictures  Jehovah  as  the  loving  and  forgiving  husband  (2. 
2-23)  and  the  patient  and  solicitous  father  (11.  i-io).  The 
latter  metaphor  has  suffered  much  from  errors  in  tran- 
scription and  in  irrelevant  editorial  glosses. 

The  following  is  an  attempt  at  a  restoration  of  its  original 
form,  the  detailed  justification  of  which  cannot  be  entered 
upon  here. 

When  Israel  was  a  child,  I  loved  him, 

And  called  him  for  my  son  out  of  Egypt. 

And  I  taught  Ephraim  to  walk; 

I  took  him  upon  my  arms ; 

But  Ephraim  did  not  know  me. 

I  drew  him  with  cords  of  man  (bands  of  love), 

And  I  was  to  them  a  resting-place  for  their  cheeks;' 

And  I  laid  food  before  them. 

But  my  people  are  bent  on  turning  from  me ; 

And  him  that  called  them  from  on  high  none  exalts. 

How  shall  I  give  thee  up,  Ephraim? 

How  cast  thee  off,  Israel? 

How  can  I  make  thee  as  Admah? 

How  can  I  reduce  thee  as  Zeboim? 


8  Reading  in  the  place  of  kimerime  'ol  'al  lechehem,  kemargoa'  lechehem.     Compare 
Jer.  6.  16,  "resting-place." 


i86  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

My  heart  is  turned  within  me, 

My  compassion  is  stirred  within  me. 

I  would  not  execute  my  fierce  anger, 

I  would  not  utterly  destroy  Ephraim — 

But  I  am  God,  and  not  man, 

The  Holy  One  in  thy  midst,  and  not  a  mortal. 

The  prophet  would  fain  give  Israel  an  insight  into  the 
struggle  going  on  in  the  heart  of  Jehovah  between  his 
fatherly  love  for  Israel  and  his  divine  passion  for  righteous- 
ness. Herein  both  Amos  and  Hosea  agree  that  Jehovah 
loves  righteousness  more  than  Israel  for  Israel's  sake;  but 
Hosea  brings  out  more  clearly  that  the  triumph  of  righteous- 
ness is  a  father's  discipHne  for  the  ultimate  benefit  of 
the   child. 

150.  The  Prophet  Isaiah.  Conditions  in  Judah  did 
not  differ  much  from  those  in  Israel;  and  they  were  the 
occasion  of  the  activity  of  the  prophet  Isaiah.  The  reign 
of  Uzziah  resembled  that  of  Jeroboam  II,  a  sudden  rise 
of  material  prosperity,  accompanied  by  social,  moral,  and 
religious  evils. 

Isaiah  dates  his  call  "in  the  year  that  King  Uzziah  died" 
(6.  i),  which  was  probably  740;  and  he  was  still  active  at 
the  time  of  Sennacherib's  invasion  of  Palestine,  701 ;  so 
that  his  ministry  extended  through  about  forty  years,  or  a 
generation,  wherein  he  displayed  a  remarkable  versatility 
both  of  character  and  effective  service.  The  account  of 
his  call,  interpreting  It  as  a  literary  form  expressing  psycho- 
logical experiences,  gives  the  causes,  motives,  purpose,  and 
success  of  his  prophetic  mission.  They  were:  (i)  the 
realization  of  the  evil  conditions  of  his  time,  clearly  visible 
to  observation;  (2)  the  recognition  of  the  moral  demands 
of  Jehovah,  expressed  In  the  term  peculiar  to  Isaiah,  the 
Holiness  of  Jehovah;  (3)  a  consciousness  that  he  should 
be  an  instrument  of  God  to  stem  the  tide  of  evil  and  bring 
about  better  conditions;  and  (4)  a  realization  of  the  diffi- 
culty, and,  as  experience  taught,  of  the  practical  impos- 


THE  KINGDOINI  OF  ISRAEL  187 

sibility  of  the  task  of  bringing  about  a  permanent  reforma- 
tion until  the  nation  had  learned  its  lesson  by  exile. 

151.  The  Writings  of  Isaiah.  The  book  of  Isaiah  is 
not  chronologically  arranged ;  and  it  contains  material  that 
on  its  own  internal  evidence  belongs  to  a  later  time  and 
other  authorship.  Omitting  such  matter,  the  remainder  will 
be  found  in  chronological  order  in  the  following  historical 
treatment. 

152.  The  Syro-Ephraimitic  War.  The  first  efforts  of 
Isaiah  resemble  those  of  Amos  and  were  similarly  directed 
against  the  social  abuses  of  his  time,  with  announcements 
of  the  judgment  to  come  by  an  invasion  of  the  Assyrians 
(Isa  2.  6  to  5;  10.  1-4;  9.  8-21 ;  5.  26-30;  10.  20-23).  But 
when  the  crisis  of  the  Syro-Ephraimitic  war  came  upon 
Judah,  Isaiah's  efforts  took  a  dift'erent  turn. 

Menahem's  experience  with  Tiglath-Pilescr  was  but  a 
hint  of  what  might  be  expected  of  the  aggressive  policy  of 
this  great  Assyrian  monarch  (745-727).  The  Syrian 
powers  who  had  felt  his  strong  hand  in  subjecting  them 
to  tribute  felt  the  need  of  concerted  action  and  entered 
into  an  alliance  to  oppose  him.  iMenahcm  had  the  good 
fortune,  rare  to  kings  of  Israel,  to  die  a  natural  death ;  2  Kings  15. 33-^8 
but  his  son,  Pekahiah  (737-736),  met  his  death  at  the 
hands  of  a  Gileadite  band  of  conspirators,  led  by  Pekah, 
who  usurped  the  throne  {7Z^-7Z2i)'  ^^  hile  Tiglath-Pileser 
was  engaged  in  war  in  the  east  a  coalition  was  formed  con- 
sisting of  Pekah  of  Israel,  Rezin  of  Damascus,  Phoenicia, 
and  an  Arabian  queen.  But  some  powers  of  northern 
Syria  and  southern  Palestine  refused  to  join,  and  among 
them  Judah.  Here  Jotham  had  followed  his  leper  father  a  Kings  15. 3-  38 
in  a  short  independent  reign  (740-736)  ;  and  already  in  his 
time  the  attempt  was  made  to  coerce  Judah  into  the  coalition, 
but  seemingly  the  attempt  was  cut  short  by  his  death. 
Under  his  successor,  however,  the  youthful  and  rather  weak 
Ahaz  (735-715),  Pekah  and  Rezin  joined  forces  to  lay 
siege   to  Jerusalem   to  compel   Ahaz   to   join   the   alliance 


i88  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

or  to  depose  him  and  place  a  certain  Tabeel  on  the 
throne. 

The  brief  account  of  Kings  is  here  supplemented  by  full 
details   in   Isaiah   and   the   inscriptions   of   Tiglath-Pileser. 

isa  7  Isaiah,  who,  like  Hosea,  did  not  believe  that  it  was  Israel's 

mission  to  be  entangled  in  international  politics,  was  averse 
to  the  alliance.  While  the  people  and  the  king  are  terrified 
by  the  siege,  Isaiah  is  prompted  to  meet  the  king  and  to 
assure  him  that  there  is  no  reason  for  fear,  but  every 
reason  for  trust.  He  offers  Ahaz  a  sign  of  the  truth  of 
his  statement,  and  when  Ahaz  unbelievingly  refuses,  Isaiah 
himself  gives  the  sign  of  a  young  woman — she  may  have 
been  the  prophet's  or  the  king's  wife — about  to  bear  a 
child,  whose  name  should  be  in  confidence  called  Immanuel, 
'*God  with  us";  for  before  the  child  has  reached  the  years 

^^*  ^  of  discretion  both  Syria  and  Ephraim  will  have  been  made 

harmless  by  the  king  of  Assyria.  The  same  message  of 
assurance  is  conveyed  by  another  child  with  the  symbolic 
name  Maher-shalal-hash-baz,  that  is,  "Hasty-booty-speedy- 
spoil."  Isaiah  makes  it  clear  that  the  Assyrian  invasion 
will  bring  much  suffering  to  both  Judah  and  Israel,  but 
looks  hopefully  beyond  it  to  a  period  of  great  prosperity 
under  the  rule  of  the  ideal  king  (7.  i  to  9.  7;  ii.  1-9;  17. 

i-ii)_. 

Isaiah,  like  Hosea,  held  that  if  the  people  would  give 
themselves  to  do  what  is  right,  and  not  entangle  themselves 
with  foreign  alliances,  Jehovah  would  stand  by  them  in 
their  political  crises.  To  this  effect  was  his  message:  Do 
not  get  excited  when  people  cry,  "A  conspiracy — a  con- 
spiracy ;  neither  fear  ye  their  fear,  nor  be  in  dread.  Jehovah 
of  hosts,  him  shall  ye  sanctify;  and  let  him  be  your  fear, 
and  let  him  be  your  dread"  (8.  I2f.). 
2  Kings  16. 7-9  But  he  failed  in  his  endeavor  to  inspire  Ahaz  with  faith 

in  Jehovah.  Rezin  had  seized  Elath,  the  port  on  the  Gulf 
of  Akabah,  the  source  of  Judah's  wealth,  and  the  enemies 
were  investing  Jerusalem.     There  seemed  to  him  nothing 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  ISRAEL  189 

else  to  do  but  to  follow  Menahem's  example  and  call  to 

Assyria  for  help;  and  to  make  his  plea  the  more  effective 

he  sent  with  his  messengers  the  treasures  of  the  temple 

and  the  palace.     Ahaz's   messengers    found   the   Assyrian 

king   already    in    Syria    on    his    great    western    expedition   2  Kings  15. 29-31 

{72>y72>^)'     He  came  against  Pekah,  took  away  from  him 

all  the  land  of  Naphtali,  that  is,  the  entire  northern  part 

of  his  kingdom  and  the  east  Jordan  province,  and  carried 

the  people  captive  to  Assyria.     Pekah  himself  escaped  the 

Assyrian  king  only  by  being  murdered  in  a  conspiracy  under 

the  leadership  of  Hoshea,  who  became  king  of   Israel  in 

his  place.      Tiglath-Pileser   then   went   against   Damascus, 

slew  Rezin,  and  carried  the  people  away  captive.^ 

Ahaz  had  thus  succeeded  in  getting  rid  of  his  enemies,  but 
at  the  price  of  becoming  a  humble  vassal  of  Assyria;  and 
it  was  no  doubt  in  order  to  please  Tiglath-Pileser  that  he  2  Kings  i6. 10-20 
visited  Damascus,  and  took  from  there  the  pattern  of  an 
altar,  which  displaced  that  of  Solomon  in  the  temple  court, 
and  led  to  other  alterations,  and  at  the  same  time  also  it  led 
to  the  introduction  of  Assyrian  religious  customs  later  men- 
tioned as  existing  in  Judah  (2  Kings  27,.  iif.). 

153.  The  Siege  of  Samaria.  Tiglath-Pileser's  subjuga-  2  Kings  17.  1-6; 
tion  of  the  Northern  Kingdom  was  the  beginning  of  its  ^^- «>~" 
end.  He  left  it  reduced  to  a  mere  province  of  Samaria, 
and  under  heavy  tribute,  and  the  humiliating  loss  must 
have  embittered  Israel.  But  for  several  years  the  tribute 
was  paid,  and  consequently  both  Israel  and  Judah  were 
not  troubled  by  their  overlord.  But  the  death  of  the 
Assyrian  king  {'/2y)  appears  to  have  been  the  occasion  of 
a  general  attempt  to  shake  off  the  domination  of  Assyria. 
Egypt,  always  just  as  eager  to  get  control  of  Syria  as 
Assyria,  aided  the  movement  by  the  promise  of  help. 
Shalmaneser  IV  {y2y-y22)  found  Hoshea  at  first  submis- 
sive ;  but  the  pro-Egyptian  party  in  Samaria  must  have 
grown  in  strength,  leading  ultimately  to  a  treaty  with  Egypt 

*  See  the  inscriptions  in  Rogers,  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  Old  Testament,  pp.  jijfl. 


190  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

and  open  rebellion  against  Assyria.  Shalmaneser  now  came 
against  Samaria  and  took  Hoshea  captive,  but  apparently 
left  the  city  unharmed. 

Judah  most  probably  was  also  in  danger  of  being  drawn 
into  rebellion  against  Assyria,  but  that  it  remained  neutral 
was  due  to  the  influence  of  the  prophet  Isaiah.  For  to 
this  period  we  may  with  reasonable  certainty  assign  ch.  28. 
1-22;  in  which  he,  on  the  one  hand,  announces  Samaria's 
fall  as  caused  by  the  drunkenness  of  its  leaders;  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  warns  Judah  by  its  evil  and  disastrous 
example.  An  illustration  of  Isaiah's  versatiHty  is  his  imita- 
tion of  the  drunkard's  babble,  translated  in  verse  13,  which 
in  Hebrew  is  sav  Ic-zav,  zav  le-zav;  kav  le-kaVj  kav  le-kav; 
seer  sham,  seer  sham. 

154.  The  Prophet  Micah.  With  the  same  theme  and 
audience,  another  prophet  of  Judah  is  engaged — Isaiah's 
younger  contemporary,  Micah.  His  home  was  not  Jeru- 
salem, the  capital,  but  a  simple  village,  Moresheth-Gath ; 
but  it  did  not  prevent  him  from  seeing  the  threatening 
approach  of  the  Assyrians,  and  interpreting  it  as  a  visitation 
of  God  upon  both  Israel  and  Judah  for  their  social,  moral, 
and  religious  misdoings.  The  first  three  chapters  of  his 
prophecy  resemble  in  a  marked  way  the  preaching  of  Amos 
(chs.  I  to  3)  ;  and  to  Micah  we  are  indebted  for  one  of 
the  finest  descriptions  of  religious  obligation,  given  in 
answer  to  the  question : 

Wherewith  shall  I  come  before  Jehovah?  .  .  . 

He  hath  showed  thee,  O  man,  what  is  good; 

And  what  doth  Jehovah  require  of  thee. 

But  to  do  justly,  and  to  love  kindness. 

And  to  walk  humbly  with  thy  God?  (6.  6,  8.) 

155.  The  Fall  of  Samaria.  Shalmaneser  laid  siege  to 
Samaria,  but,  on  its  high  hill,  it  could  long  withstand  him, 
and  it  took  three  years  to  reduce  it.  In  the  meanwhile 
3halmaneser   died,  and   Sargon    (722-705),   who   was  not 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  ISRAEL  191 

of  royal  line,  yet  of  such  energy  as  to  bring  Assyria  to  the 
height  of  its  power,  continued  the  siege  and  captured  the 
city.  The  success  was  so  near  the  beginning  of  Sargon's 
reign  that  in  biblical  accounts  it  is  still  considered  as  in 
the  reign  of  Shalmaneser.     But  Sargon's  Annals  state: 

In  the  beginning  of  my  reign  and  in  the  first  year  of  my  reign,  .  .  . 
Samaria  I  besieged  and  took.  .  .  .  27,290  inhabitants  I  carried  away, 
50  chariots  I  collected  there  as  a  royal  force.  ...  I  set  up  again 
and  made  more  populous  than  before.  People  from  lands  which  I 
had  taken  I  settled  there.  My  men  I  set  over  them  as  governors. 
Tribute  and  taxes  like  the  Assyrian  I  set  over  them."° 

The  biblical  accounts  name  the  places  to  which  Israel 
was  deported  as  **Halah,"  which  is  probably  to  be  identified 
with  the  Kassite  territory  east  of  the  Tigris;  *'Habor  the 
river  of  Gozan,"  which  was  the  chief  tributary  of  the 
Euphrates,  half  way  between  Harran  and  Nineveh;  "and 
the  cities  (or  mountains)  of  Media,"  the  far  eastern  prov- 
inces of  the  Assyrian  empire.  The  captives  were  thus 
located  in  three  widely  separated  districts;  probably  repre- 
senting different  stages  in  the  deportation  extending  through 
a  number  of  years.  Separated  and  thrown  helplessly  amidst 
the  various  population  of  these  regions,  and  already  sharing 
their  social  and  religious  ideas,  what  was  there  that  should 
keep  the  "Ten  Tribes"  intact?  It  is  most  probable,  there- 
fore, that  they  amalgamated  with  their  neighbors  and  lost 
their  identity;  and  that  the  racial  restoration  of  the  "Lost 
Tribes"  became  in  time  an  insoluble  problem. 

156.  The  Origin  of  the  Samaritans.  The  method  of  2  Kings  17. 24-33 
deportation,  by  which  the  Assyrians  cruelly  punished  their 
recalcitrant  vassals,  involved  peopling  as  well  as  depeopling 
conquered  territory.  A  large  element  of  the  original  popu- 
lation, consisting  of  the  humbler  classes,  was  allowed  to 
remain ;  but  they  were  augmented  by  equally  insubmissive 
subjects  from  various  other  sections  of  the  Assyrian  empire. 
This  welding  together  of  different  populations  was  intended 

*  See  Rogers,  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  326f. 


34-41 


192  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

to  make  governmental  control  easier.  In  the  case  of 
Israel  it  brought  together  a  mixture  of  peoples  and  races 
that  differed  most  decidedly  from  the  Israelite  and  Judaean 
stock,  forming  what  became  subsequently  known  as  the 
Samaritans.  The  biblical  historians  note,  besides  difference 
of  race,  that  of  religion,  which  was  a  mixture  of  Jehovah 
worship  and  their  own  native  heathenism.  In  later  times, 
when  the  Jews  had  learned  to  shun  other  religions,  this 
difference  of  religion  and  race  became  almost  a  matter  of 
repugnance;  and  it  showed  itself  to  such  an  extent  that 
the  Jews  would  have  no  dealings  with  the  Samaritans, 
f^^ngs  17. 7-23;  157.  The  Contribution  of  the  Northern  Kingdom. 
After  a  separate  existence  of  about  two  centuries,  the 
Northern  Kingdom,  founded  by  Jeroboam,  the  son  of 
Nebat,  came  to  an  end.  The  Deuteronomic  historian  takes 
occasion  to  dwell  at  considerable  length  upon  the  worship 
of  other  gods  as  the  cause  of  Israel's  downfall.  Asso- 
ciated as  these  religious  abuses  were  with  moral  and  social 
disorders,  they  constituted  unquestionably  the  underlying 
causes  of  the  dissolution  of  the  state;  and  this  religious 
judgment  is  thus  just.  It  is  never  easy  to  tell  what  might 
have  happened,  but  it  seems  probable  that  if  Israel  had 
developed  along  the  simple  and  pure  principles  in  politics, 
society  and  religion,  of  its  desert  life  and  covenant  at  Sinai, 
and  had  not  become  corrupted  by  its  contact  with  Canaanite 
civilization,  it  would  have  been  in  a  better  condition  to  meet 
the  crises  of  the  political  turmoil  surrounding  it. 

But  while  it  lasted  Israel  was  the  greater  and  more 
aggressive  of  the  two  kingdoms,  both  in  its  good  and  evil 
tendencies.  Within  it  the  national  spirit  found  a  fuller 
development  through  the  very  fact  that  it  had  to  bear  the 
brunt  of  hostile  attacks;  two  of  the  great  prophets,  who 
struck  the  keynote  of  prophetic  preaching,  labored  in  its 
midst,  and  as  its  contribution  to  biblical  literature  we 
must  place  (i)  The  Song  of  Deborah,  Judg  5;  (2)  the 
stories  about   Elijah,    i    Kings    17-19;   21;    (3)    historical 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  ISRAEL  193 

narratives,  i  Kings  20,  22;  2  Kings  3.  6  to  10;  (4)  the 
stories  about  Elisha,  2  Kings  2.  4  to  6;  8;  13 ;  (5)  the  bless- 
ing of  Moses,  Dent  33;  and  (6)  the  Elohistic  source  (E) 
in  the  Hexateuch. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Underscore  the  names  of  the  kings  and  insert  the  dates  in 
your  Bible  and  note  the  rapid  succession  of  the  kings  of  Israel. 

2.  Mark  your  Bible  so  as  to  bring  out  the  contents  and  main 
divisions  of  the  book  of  Hosea. 

3.  Consider  carefully  the  views  concerning  the  so-called  personal 
history  of  Hosea. 

4.  Study  carefully  the  passages  embodying  the  essential  teach- 
ings of  Hosea. 

5.  Compare  Hos  11.  i-io  in  the  textbook  with  the  translation  in 
the  Bible. 

6.  Consider  by  what  means  God  called  Isaiah  to  his  mission  and 
note  the  description  of  his  call.  Does  God  still  call  men  in  like 
manner  or  is  the  diflference  due  to  an  Oriental  manner  of  description  ? 

7.  Read  the  passages  in  Kings  and  the  messages  of  Isaiah  relating 
to  the  Syro-Ephraimitic  crisis  and  the  siege  of  Samaria  and  look 
up  the  reference  to  Rogers. 

8.  Read  the  book  of  Micah,  with  the  aid  of  the  headings  in  your 
Bible,  for  the  light  it  throws  upon  the  social  and  religious  condi- 
tions of  this  time. 

9.  Note  well  the  origin  of  the  Samaritans.  Look  up  the  refer- 
ence to  Rogers  and  on  a  map  the  places  of  deportation. 

10.  Review  the  history  of  the  Northern  Kingdom  and  note  its 
contribution  to  Hebrew  history. 


CHAPTER  X 

THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH  TO  THE  DESTRUC- 
TION OF  JERUSALEM,  586  B.  C 

I.    King  Hezekiah  and  the  Prophet  Isaiah 

158.    Events  in  Assyria,  Egypt,  and  Babylonia.     The 

period  from  the  fall  of  Samaria  to  the  fall  of  Jerusalem 
(722-586)  sees  Assyria  reach  the  height  of  her  power  but 
also  her  fall;  and  the  rise  of  the  new  empire  of  Babylonia. 
For  about  a  century  Assyria  now  constantly  appears  in 
Palestine  and  terrorizes  Judah,  until  she  herself  falls,  in 
607.  Sargon  (722-705)  appears  twice  in  Palestine  after  the 
fall  of  Samaria — once  in  720,  when  he  defeats  the  Egyptians 
under  Shabaku  near  Raphia  and  receives  tribute  from  the 
Judaeans ;  and  the  second  time  when  he  puts  down  the  revolt 
of  Ashdod  and  Gath,  in  711,  and  again  receives  tribute  from 
Judah.  Sargon's  son  Sennacherib  (705-681)  appears  in 
Palestine  in  701,  and  conquering  it  from  Sidon  to  Philistia 
and  Ammon  and  Moab,  threatens  Jerusalem  twice,  shutting 
up  Hezekiah  'iike  a  caged  bird  within  his  city,"  as  he  tells 
in  his  annals.  An  attempt  to  get  from  under  the  Assyrian 
domination  by  the  help  of  the  rising  power  of  Babylonia, 
which  sent  its  ambassador  Merodach  Baladan  to  Hezekiah, 
fails.  During  the  reign  of  Esarhaddon  (681-668)  Egypt  is 
conquered,  and  Judah  remains  the  humble  vassal  of  Assyria. 
In  the  reign  of  Ashurbanapal  (668-625)  Egypt  has  to  be 
reconquered,  but  again  becomes  free.  In  650  there  is  a 
general  revolt  from  Assyria  extending  from  Elam  to  the 
Mediterranean,  in  which  Judah  joins  (2  Chron  33.  10-13), 
but  unsuccessfully. 

194 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH  195 

From  now  on,  however,  the  power  of  Assyria  begins  to 
fail.  Cimmerians  and  Scythians,  wild  hordes,  invade  the 
empire.  Egypt  under  Pharaoh  Necho  11,  conquers  Syria, 
and  slays  the  Judsean  king  Josiah  in  the  battle  of  Megiddo. 
Beginning  with  the  reign  of  Nabopolassor  (625-605), Baby- 
lonia now  pushes  to  the  front,  throws  off  the  Assyrian 
yoke,  and,  aided  by  the  Medians,  destroys  Nineveh  (607). 
With  Nebuchadrezzar  (605-561),  the  greatest  king  since 
Hammurabi,  ascends  the  throne  of  Babylonia.  In  605-04 
he  defeats  Pharaoh  Necho  at  Carchemish  on  the  Euphrates, 
and  from  that  time  holds  supreme  sway  over  the  west,  caus- 
ing the  end  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah. 

I5Q.    Hezekiah's  Reformation.     Ahaz,  v^ho  died  71  s,  ^  ^^^^  '^'  '~^' 

^'^  '  '     ^'    2    Chron    2j^-3i; 

was  succeeded  by  his  son  Hezekiah  (715-686),  in  whom  32.37-31 
later  generations  saw  nothing  but  good.  By  his  side  stood 
the  prophets  Isaiah  and  Micah ;  and  it  was  no  doubt  due 
to  their  influence  that  a  religious  reformation  took  place. 
The  biblical  accounts  of  this  reformation,  particularly  those 
by  the  Chronicler,  are  considerably  more  extensive  than 
we  might  expect  for  this  time,  and  they  appear  to  be 
an  anticipation  of  the  reformation  under  Josiah,  of  a  genera- 
tion later.  But  that  it  involved  the  destruction  of  the  brazen 
serpent,  called  Nehushtan,  as  a  piece  of  ancient  idolatry,  and 
the  purification  of  Jehovah  worship  by  the  elimination  of 
Canaanite  and  other  foreign  elements,  there  is  every  reason 
for  believing;  and  they  account  for  the  good  name  of 
Hezekiah. 

Hezekiah  is  credited  also  with  some  success  against  the 
Philistines ;  and  the  references  to  the  construction  of  water- 
works in  Jerusalem  (2  Kings  20.  20;  2  Chron  32,  30;  com- 
pare Isa  8.  6f.),  have  received  remarkable  confirmation  in 
the  discovery  of  what  is  called  the  Siloam  Inscription,  found 
in  1880  inscribed  on  a  rock  in  the  entrance  of  the  tunnel, 
and  telling  of  the  cutting  of  the  conduit  to  bring  water  from 
Gihon  or  the  Virgin's  Fountain,  into  the  city  of  David.  It 
reads  as  follows : 


196  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

(Behold)  the  piercing  through!  And  this  was  the  manner  of  the 
piercing  through.  Whilst  yet  (the  miners  were  lifting  up)  the  pick 
each  toward  his  fellow,  and  whilst  yet  there  were  three  cubits 
to  be  (cut  through,  there  was  heard)  the  voice  of  each  calling 
to  his  fellow  for  there  was  a  fissure  in  the  rock  on  the  right-hand. 
.  .  .  And  on  the  day  of  the  piercing  through,  the  miners  smote  each 
so  as  to  meet  his  fellow,  pick  against  pick.  And  there  flowed  the 
water  from  the  source  to  the  pool,  1,200  cubits;  and  one  hundred 
cubits  was  the  height  of  the  rock  over  the  head  of  the  miners. 

160.    Isaiah  and  Sargon's  Campaign  against  Ashdod. 

Flushed  by  his  success  against  the  Philistines,  Hezekiah  con- 
sidered himself  strong  enough  to  join  a  coalition,  consisting 

isa2o;2i.  11-17;   of  Ashdod,   Moab  and  Edom,  and   Shabaka  of  Egypt,  to 

28-32  ^  '  ^'*'  ^'^'  throve  ofT  the  Assyrian  yoke.  Isaiah  strongly  advised 
against  Judah's  participation  in  the  revolt,  going  about  the 
streets  of  Jerusalem  barefoot  and  naked  to  represent  sym- 
bolically the  captivity  the  rash  action  was  likely  to  bring. 
Hezekiah  must  have  followed  the  advice  of  Isaiah,  for  when 
Sargon's  Tartan  marched  against  Ashdod  Jerusalem  did  not 
suffer. 

2  Kings  20;  161.   The  Babylonian  Embassy  of  Merodach-Baladan. 

isa  38;  39;  'Yh.Q  sickness  of  Hezekiah  and  his  recovery  must  have  been 

2  Chron  32.  24-26 

of  more  than  an  ordinary  character ;  for  around  them  have 
gathered  a  marvelous  story  of  the  sun  retracing  its  steps 
and  a  lyric  psalm  of  considerable  beauty.  It  became  of 
political  significance  by  the  embassy  of  Merodach-Baladan, 
who  apparently  came  to  congratulate  the  king  on  his  re- 
covery. But  Isaiah  saw  in  the  visit  and  the  reception  of  the 
ambassador  danger  of  an  entanglement  in  international 
politics  bound  to  become  ruinous  to  Judah ;  and  he  declared 
to  the  king  that  the  treasures  the  king  had  shown  to  indicate 
his  strength  would  ultimately  find  their  way  to  Babylonia 
as  booty. 

162.  The  Pro-Egyptian  Policy.  Isaiah's  v^arnings, 
however,  fell  upon  deaf  ears.  The  leaders  of  Judah  liked  to 
play  the  game  of  international  politics,  and  the  desire  to  be- 
come free  from  Assyria  led  to  the  formation  of  an  anti- 


THE  KINGDOM  01<  JUDAII  197 

Assyrian  or  pro-Egyptian  party.  The  book  of  Kings  gives  us 

information  on  the  situation,  but  Isaiah's  utterances  furnish  isa  30-32;  8;  18 

the  fullest  details.     He  points  out  the  utter  folly  of  relying 

on  Egyptian  help ;  and  calls  out,  "Woe  to  them  that  go  down 

to  Egypt  for  help.  .  .  .  but  look  not  imto  the  Holy  One 

of  Israel."     The  prophet  is  convinced  that  Jehovah  is  able 

and  willing  to  take  care  of  Judah,  and  that  to  go  elsewhere 

for  help   is  preferring  human  to   divine   aid.     When   the 

Ethiopian   ambassador   came   to   Jerusalem   to    assure   the 

people  of  Egypt  assistance  on  the  approach  of  Sennacherib's 

army,  Isaiah  declares  to  them  that  Jehovah  is  well  able  to 

take  care  of  his  people,  and  is  only  waiting  for  the  opportune 

moment,  when  he  will  destroy  their  enemy,  and  he  further 

declares  that  the  Ethiopians  themselves  will  have  to  bring 

tribute  to  Mount  Zion. 

The  man  most  responsible  for  the  pro-Egyptian  policy  isa  22.  is-25;  10. 
was  Shebna,  Hezekiah's  prime  minister ;  and  Isaiah  does  not  ^'*' 
hesitate  to  confront  him,  and  predict  his  dismissal  and 
banishment,  and  the  appointment  in  his  place  of  Eliakim. 
The  king  follows  Isaiah's  advice ;  he  gives  Eliakim  the  chief 
place  and  appoints  Shebna  as  secretary  (Isa  36.  3).  With 
the  change  of  officers  comes  a  change  of  policy.  Now 
Isaiah  gives  himself  to  the  task  of  strengthening  and 
encouraging  the  king  and  people  for  the  approaching  crisis 
of  the  Assyrian  invasion.  The  burden  of  his  message  now 
is  that  Jehovah  will  defend  his  people,  that  Assyria  is  but 
his  tool,  that  when  he  has  done  with  it  he  will  destroy  it, 
and  that  upon  the  downfall  of  Assyria  will  come  the  reign 
of  peace,  the  Messianic  age. 

163.  Sennacherib's  Invasion.  At  last  the  dreaded  foe 
approached.  It  was  not  until  701  that  Sennacherib  could 
turn  his  attention  to  the  rebels  in  Palestine.  He  came  with 
a  mighty  army,  and  Phoenicia  was  first  to  succumb.  He 
then  advanced  upon  Philistia,  captured  Ashkelon  and  be- 
sieged Ekron,  and  defeated  at  Eltekeh,  in  southern  Philistia, 
an  Egyptian  or  Arabian  army  that  came  to  its  relief,  and 


198  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

captured  Ekron.  He  now  turned  upon  Judah  and  captured 
forty-six  of  its  cities,  and  shut  up  Hezekiah  in  Jerusalem 
*'like  a  bird  in  a  cage."  It  is  of  this  time  that  Isaiah's 
description  of  Judah's  devastation  is  most  appropriate: 
"Your  coimtry  is  desolate ;  your  cities  are  burned  with  fire ; 
.  .  .  and  the  daughter  of  Zion  is  left  as  a  booth  in  a  vine- 
yard, as  a  lodge  in  a  garden  of  cucumbers,  as  a  besieged 
city"  (I.  7fif.). 

It  appears  that  the  data  of  the  Bible  and  the  Assyrian 
inscriptions  yield  a  more  satisfactory  solution  of  the  histori- 
cal   situation    when    we    assume  that    Sennacherib's    army 
2  Kings  18. 13-16;   approached   Jerusalem   twice   that   year,    with   an   interval 
2  chron  32.  i-8     between.     At  the  first  approach,  although  all  the  necessary 
precautions   against  an   attack   had   been   taken,   Hezekiah 
2  Kings  18.  17  to  bought  off  the  Assyrians  by  paying  a  heavy  tribute.     But 
isa  36-  3r^°  '      ^^^  long  after  another  detachment  of  the  army  demanded 
2  Chron  32.  9-23,  nothing  short  of  Jerusalem's  absolute  surrender.    Our  bibli- 
^^  *  cal  sources,  which  have  been  preserved  in  a  triple  form, 

transmit  the  demand  couched  in  most  insolent  language, 
aiming  to  strike  a  blow  at  Judah's  faith  in  Jehovah's  power 
to  save  his  people.  It  is  this  religious  challenge  that  rouses 
Isaiah  to  the  highest  pitch  of  a  sublime  faith.  It  is  now  no 
longer  a  mere  matter  of  politics,  but  the  issue  is  Jehovah's 
character  as  the  protector  of  Zion,  and  he  dares  to  assert 
that  in  such  a  crisis  Jehovah  would  accept  the  challenge  and 
vindicate  his  character.  It  is  thus  that  Isaiah  comes  to  an- 
nounce one  of  his  characteristic  conceptions,  the  inviolability 
of  Zion.  In  two  fiery  utterances  he  boldly  declares  that 
Jerusalem  laughs  at  Sennacherib's  threatenings ;  that 
Jehovah  will  put  his  ring  through  his  nose,  and  bridle  be- 
*  tween  his  lips,  and  make  him  return  the  way  he  came ;  that 
he  shall  not  come  into  Jerusalem,  nor  shoot  an  arrow  therein, 
for  Jehovah  will  defend  his  city  to  save  it  for  his  own. 

And  now  the  remarkable  thing  happened :  the  Assyrian 
army  suddenly  removes,  without  touching  Jerusalem.  Ex- 
actly how  it  happened  can  no  longer  be  determined.     One 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH  199 

account  (2  Kings  19.  9a)  suggests  that  the  cause  was  a 
rumor  of  an  attack  of  Tirhakah,  king  of  Ethiopia ;  another 
suggests  the  breaking  out  of  a  plague  in  the  army  (2  Kings 
^9'  355  Isa  ^y.  36),  and  Herodotus  transmits  a  historical 
tradition  according  to  which  field  mice  gnawed  the  bow- 
strings, quivers,  and  shield  thongs,  making  the  army  de- 
fenseless.^ But  whatever  the  cause,  Jehovah  had  honored 
the  faith  of  his  prophet,  and  Jerusalem  was  saved. 

164.  The  Character  and  Achievements  of  Isaiah.  That 
Jerusalem  and  Jud?ea  did  not  share  the  fate  of  Samaria  and 
Israel,  but  prolonged  their  existence  for  over  a  century  and 
a  quarter  longer,  is  in  great  measure  due  to  the  influence  of 
the  prophet  Isaiah.  He  was  one  of  the  best  illustrations  of 
genuine  manhood,  and  filled  all  the  various  functions  of  the 
prophet's  ofiice  with  the  highest  distinction.  He  was  a  man 
well  born  and  bred,  mingling  with  ease  in  the  highest  and 
lowest  circles  of  the  capital ;  the  consciousness  of  his  mission 
so  filled  him  as  to  make  him  declare  that  both  he  and  his 
children  were  divinely  appointed  signs  for  the  instruction  of 
Israel  (8.  18).  His  utterances  and  writings  represent  the 
best  specimens  of  Hebrew  literature ;  he  was  both  orator 
and  poet.  He  was,  like  Amos  and  Hosea,  a  social  and 
religious  reformer,  fearlessly  attacking  the  social  and  reli- 
gious vices  of  his  time,  and  indissolubly  linking  ethics  and 
religion.  He  was  a  great  statesman ;  whether  wanted  or 
not,  he  assumed  the  prophetic  function  of  the  king's  politi- 
cal adviser,  and  at  two  great  political  crises,  during  the 
Syro-Ephraimitic  war  and  Sennacherib's  invasion,  he  was 
the  most  commanding  figure,  calm  and  serene,  and  with  a 
consistent  and  safe  policy.  As  a  theologian,  Isaiah  reite- 
rated the  essentials  of  the  prophets  before  him,  but  in  such 
a  way  as  to  add  substantially  new  elements  to  the  religion 
of  Israel:  (i)  the  conception  of  the  majesty  and  holiness 
of  Jehovah  (6.  3;  3.  8;  2.  10;  37.  23),  by  which  he  empha- 
sizes his  moral  character:   (2)   faith  as  the  means  of  tran- 

1  Sec  Rogers,  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old  Testament,  pp.  332-348. 


200  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

quillity  in  crucial  times  (7.  9;  28.  16)  ;  (3)  the  inviolability 
of  Zion  (8.  i8b;  18.  7b;  28.  i6f. ;  31.  5)  ;  (4)  the  idea  of 
the  "remnant"  (7.  3;  and  compare  10.  20-23),  by  which  he 
gives  form  to  the  hope  of  the  restoration  after  punishment ; 
(5)  the  hope  of  the  establishment  of  the  divine  kingdom 
(2.  2-4;  4.  2ff. ;  9.  6f. ;  II.  1-9;  18.  7;  19.  21,  23f.). 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Consider  the  efifect  on  Judah  of  the  political  world  movements 
going  on  around  it. 

2.  Compare  the  accounts  of  Hezekiah's  reformation  in  Kings  and 
Chronicles  and  consult  the  article  "Siloam"  in  the  Dictionary  of  the 
Bible. 

3.  Read  the  messages  of  Isaiah  during  Sargon's  campaign  against 
Ashdod  in  their  chronological  order  and  mark  them  in  your  Bible. 

4.  Compare  the  accounts  of  Hezekiah's  sickness  in  Isaiah,  Kings, 
and  Chronicles  and  note  their  variations. 

5.  Read  Isaiah's  messages  against  the  pro-Egyptian  policy  in 
chronological  order  and  mark  them  in  your  Bible. 

6.  Study  carefully  the  passages  relating  to  Sennacherib's  invasion 
and  note  Isaiah's  attitude. 

7.  Estimate  Isaiah's  character  and  achievements  and  study  care- 
fully the  passages  embodying  his  contribution  to  the  faith  of  Israel. 

2.    The  Religious  Reaction  Under  Manasseh  and  the 
Law  of  Deuteronomy 

3^on33  165.   The  Character  of  the  Reaction.    Upon  the  death 

of  Hezekiah  and  Isaiah,  during  the  reigns  of  Manasseh 
(698-643)  and  Amon  (643-641),  the  heathenish  religious 
customs,  accompanied  by  their  moral  and  religious  abuses, 
broke  out  with  renewed  fury.  The  biblical  accounts  enu- 
merate no  less  than  five  varieties  of  foreign  cults  that  were 
now  flourishing  again  in  Jerusalem:  Baal  and  Astarte  wor- 
ship ;  stellar  worship  ("the  host,"  or  "the  queen  of  heaven")  ; 
various  types  of  spiritism  and  augury;  sacred  prostitution 
(or  "Sodomites")  ;  Moloch  worship  (confer  2  Kings 
23.  5-24).  The  popularity  of  these  cults  is  attested  by  the 
family  circles  within  which  they  were  practiced :  the  children 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH  201 

gathered  the  wood,  the  fathers  kindled  the  fire,  and  the 
women  kneaded  the  dough  to  make  cakes  for  the  queen 
of  heaven  (Jer.  7.  18;  44.  15-19). 

The  causes  of  this  reaction  it  is  not  difficult  to  trace.  The 
expectations  that  Isaiah's  prediction  had  awakened,  of  the 
downfall  of  the  Assyrian  empire  and  the  establishment  of 
the  reign  of  peace  and  prosperity  under  a  king  of  the 
Davidic  dynasty,  the  ideal  Messianic  king,  had  not  been 
realized.  Assyria  was  far  from  being  destroyed,  the 
political  condition  of  Judah  remained  unchanged,  and  they 
had,  as  before,  to  pay  tribute  to  Assyria.  Assyrian  officials 
were  in  the  land,  and  they  brought  with  them  Assyrian  influ- 
ences which  were  bound  to  make  themselves  felt  among  the 
people.  The  popular  opinion  was  that  to  the  victor  belong 
the  spoils,  and  the  Assyrian  gods  had  won ;  and  the  people 
seemed  to  be  content  as  long  as  they  did  not  suffer  from 
physical  want.  Thus  an  anti-prophetic  party  arose,  with  the 
king  at  its  head,  and  the  prophetic  party  which  was  domi- 
nant under  Hezekiah  and  Isaiah  was  not  only  set  aside  but 
even  persecuted,  for  '^Manasseh  shed  innocent  blood  very 
much";  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  Jewish  tradition 
is  correct  which  makes  Isaiah  suffer  martyrdom  during  the 
persecutions  of  Manasseh. 

166.  The  Problem  of  the  Prophetic  Party.  While 
Isaiah's  work  was  thus  ruthlessly  undone  and  heathenism 
intrenched,  the  prophetic  party  was  ceaselessly  grappling 
with  the  problem  of  idolatry.  The  prophets  were  convinced 
that  the  foreign  cults  brought  ruin  to  the  nation.  They 
objected  to  idolatry  on  three  grounds:  (i)  on  political  or 
patriotic  grounds,  idolatry  made  Israel  like  other  nations — 
full  of  foreign  customs,  an  inferior  and  subject  power,  and 
robbed  it  of  its  national  distinction  based  on  a  mission  to 
the  world;  (2)  on  moral  and  social  grounds:  idolatry 
meant  licentiousness,  immorality,  and  social  injustice;  and, 
(3)  on  religious  grounds,  idolatry  denied  the  supremacy 
of  Jehovah,   whom  they  conceived  as  the  only  true   God. 


202  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

During  this  period  of  persecutions  the  prophets  were  quietly 
at  work  no  doubt,  secretly  encouraging  the  faithful,  and 
planning  for  better  times  to  come. 

167.  The  Law  of  Deuteronomy.  There  are  good 
reasons  for  believing  that  the  result  of  the  activity  of  this 
period  of  stress  is  contained  in  the  Law  of  Deuteronomy, 

Deut  s  to  a6;  a8  which  embodies  the  prophetic  teachings  of  this  time  and 
seeks  by  legal  enactments  to  stem  the  tide  of  the  foreign 
cults. 

That  this  book  of  the  Law  really  originated  at  this  time 
appears  from  the  following  considerations:  i.  It  is  an 
enlargement  of  the  book  of  the  Covenant,  implying  fur- 
ther development  and  more  advanced  social  conditions. 
2.  Its  views  of  the  monarchy  reflect  the  painful  national 
experiences.  3.  The  forms  of  idolatry  opposed  are  those 
of  the  Assyrian  period.  4.  The  literary  influence  of 
Deuteronomy  is  absent  in  the  prophetic  writers  prior  to 
the  time  of  Manasseh  and  present  in  those  subsequent  to 
it.  5.  The  literary  style  of  Deuteronomy  is  highly  developed, 
implying  that  a  considerable  period  of  literary  history  has 
preceded.  6.  Certain  religious  practices  are  condemned  in 
it  that  were  permissible  prior  to  it.  7.  The  theological 
teachings  show  the  advanced  stages  of  theological  reflec- 
tion. 

168.  The  Purpose  of  the  "Law,  Deuteronomy  is  ritual 
law  to  enforce  prophetic  teaching.  Its  dominant  note  may 
be  summarized  in  the  three  enactments:  i.  The  centraliza- 
tion of  the  cult ;  all  high  places  become  illegal,  and  there 
is  but  one  place  to  which  all  must  go  to  worship.  2.  The 
total  abolition  of  sacred  symbolism  by  which  worship  be- 
comes absolutely  imageless.  3.  The  essence  of  religion 
is  the  principle  of  love  toward  God  and  man.  The  first 
requirement  was  a  practical  measure  to  destroy  idolatry. 
The  high  places  were  sanctuaries  whose  age  made  them 
formidable ;  they  were  seats  of  worship  inherited  from  the 
Canaanites ;  and  Canaanite  and  foreign  cults  flourished  there 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH  203 

as  on  native  soil.  They  could  not  be  reformed  or  controlled, 
but  they  could  be  abolished ;  and  now  that  the  Jewish  state 
was  small,  the  law  of  one  sanctuary  was  again  practicable. 
The  second  requirement  had  the  same  practical  purpose. 
The  sacred  symbols  were  idolatrous  and  associated  with 
heathenism.  The  religion  of  Jehovah  could  easily  dispense 
with  them ;  the  religion  of  the  desert  had  no  image  of 
Jehovah,  and  the  imageless  character  of  Jehovah  worship 
was  in  harmony  with  the  spiritual  character  of  the  religion 
of  the  prophets.  The  principle  of  love  toward  God  and  man 
is  the  climax  of  Hebrew  religion  and  ethics,  not  surpassed 
even,  except  in  its  universal  application,  in  the  teachings 
of  the  New  Testament. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Study  the  passages  describing  the  revival  of  heathenism  under 
Manasseh  and  enumerate  the  varieties  of  cults. 

2.  Compare  the  accounts  in  Kings  and  Chronicles  concerning 
Manasseh  and  note  the  didactic  tone  of  the  latter.  Read  in  the 
Apocrypha  "The  Prayer  of  Manasseh." 

3.  Read  the  laws  of  Deut  12  to  26,  with  the  aid  of  the  headings 
in  your  Bible,  and  mark  off  the  subject-matter. 

4.  Read  Deut  5  to  11  and  28  and  note  their  character  as  prologue 
and  apologue  to  the  Law  Code. 

5.  Note  well  the  character  of  the  Law  of  Deuteronomy  as  serv- 
ing the  purpose  of  the  reforms  of  the  prophetic  party. 

3.     The  Reign  of  Josiah 

169.   The  Prophets  Nahum,  Zephaniah,  and  Jeremiah. 

The  period  of  Josiah  (630-608)  was  fraught  with  great 
political  as  well  as  religious  events.  Among  the  former 
were  the  approach  of  the  Scythians,  the  rise  of  the  Median 
empire,  the  independence  of  Babylonia,  the  fall  of  Assyria, 
and  the  battle  of  Megiddo,  in  which  Josiah  lost  his  life; 
among  the  latter  the  finding  of  the  book  of  the  Law  and  the 
consequent  great  religious  reformation. 

It  is  a  characteristic  of  Hebrew  prophecy  that  it  finds  its 


204  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

occasion  in  political  movements,  which  the  prophets  use  to 
arouse  the  pubHc  conscience;  and  as  Amos  saw  in  the  ap- 
proach of  the  Assyrians  the  coming  of  "the  day  of  Jehovah," 
the  day  in  which  Jehovah  would,  as  it  were,  hold  a  reckon- 
ing with  evildoers  through  a  hostile  invasion,  so  the  political 
movement  just  indicated  awakened  the  prophetic  activity 
of  Nahum,  Zephaniah,  and  Jeremiah. 

The  Book  of  Na-  The  message  of  Nahum  is  the  announcement  of  the  down- 
fall of  the  hated  Assyrian  power,  which  was  to  bring,  as  the 
prophet's  name,  Nahum  ("Consolation"),  itself  symbolized, 
comfort  to  Judah  (i.  15;  2.  2),  on  condition,  of  course,  of 
their  turning  away  from  their  evil  ways. 

The  Book  of  Ze-       Zephaniah   most   graphically   pictures   the   dreaded   Scy- 

phamah  thians  as  coming  to  a  sacrificial  feast,  prepared  by  Jehovah 

himself,  whose  victims  are  the  people  of  Judah,  including 
its  princes  and  nobles  (1.7-9),  and  other  nations. 

jer  1  to  6  Jeremiah  also,  in  his  earlier  discourses  which  fall  within 

the  time  prior  to  the  reformation  of  Josiah,  takes  occasion  in 
the  threatening  approach  of  the  Scythians,  whom  he  de- 
scribes as  coming  from  the  north  like  a  lion  "gone  up  from 
his  thicket,  and  a  destroyer  of  nations"  (4.  6f.),  to  call  the 
nation  back  to  its  senses.  The  conviction  which  constitutes 
his  call  contains  two  elements — the  approaching  danger,  "a 
boiling  caldron"  coming  from  the  north,  and  Jehovah's  share 
in  it  in  bringing  it  as  a  judgment:  "Out  of  the  north  evil 
shall  break  forth  upon  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  land.  For, 
lo,  I  will  call  all  the  families  of  the  kingdoms  of  the  north, 
saith  Jehovah,  and  they  shall  come,  and  they  shall  set  every 
one  his  throne  at  the  entrance  of  the  gates  of  Jerusalem, 
and  against  all  the  walls  thereof  round  about,  and  against 
all  the  cities  of  Judah.  And  I  will  utter  my  judgments 
against  them  touching  all  their  wickedness,  in  that  they  have 
forsaken  me,  and  have  burned  incense  unto  other  gods,  and 
worshiped  the  works  of  their  own  hands"  (i.  13-16). 

It  seems  then  that  the  faithful  party  of  the  prophets  had 
not  lost  its  enthusiasm  for  national  righteousness  during  the 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH  205 

reaction  of  Manasseh  and  his  son.  Not  only  did  the 
prophetic  followers  retain  their  own  spiritual  warmth,  but 
they  were  alert  to  seize  the  opportunity  immediately  upon 
the  murder  of  Amon  to  obtain  control  of  his  successor,  the 
young  king  of  eight  years.  In  this  manner  they  exerted 
their  influence  for  betterment  in  various  directions,  and  pre- 
pared the  way  for  the  great  reformation. 

170.    The  Finding  of  the  Book  of  the  Law.     The  ac-  2  Kings  22 

.       T^.  .  .         ,        -  .      .  -     ,         ,.  2  Chron  34.  1-28 

count  m  Kmgs  gives  a  simple  description  of  the  discovery. 
It  was  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  King  Josiah  (621),  while 
the  high-priest  Hilkiah  was  superintending  the  repairs  of 
the  temple,  that  he  found  what  he  called  "the  book  of  the 
law"  (or  instruction).  He  handed  it  to  Shaphan  the  scribe, 
who  read  it ;  and  took  it  to  the  king,  and  read  it  before  him. 
Upon  hearing  its  contents,  the  king  was  thrown  into  great 
consternation  on  account  of  the  evident  disharmony  between 
the  requirements  of  this  law  book  and  the  existing  condi- 
tions. He  sent  a  delegation  to  Huldah,  the  prophetess,  who 
evidently  represented  the  highest  religious  authority  of  her 
time,  to  inquire  as  to  its  authoritativeness ;  and  she  returned 
the  message  that  its  requirements  were  binding,  and  that 
severe  divine  punishments  would  be  visited  upon  the  nation 
if  the  Law  were  not  observed. 

It  is  now  generally  agreed  among  biblical  scholars  that 
the  book  found  was  the  substance  of  Deuteronomy,  and  not 
the  entire  Pentateuch,  and  for  two  reasons :  ( i )  only  a 
book  of  the  smaller  size  could  be  read  through  so  easily 
three  times  in  one  day;  and  (2)  its  requirements  and  the 
subsequent  reformation  strictly  cover  each  other  point  for 
point.  Exactly  how  it  was  found  we  are  not  told,  but  the 
circle  of  prophets  from  which  it  emanated  had  evidently 
taken  steps  to  have  it  come  into  the  hands  of  those  who 
were  responsible  for  the  existing  abuses ;  and  it  proved  to  be 
the  psychological  moment  for  producing  the  desired  effect. 

171.'  The  Great  Reformation.    The  king  called  a  public   '  ^^'  '^- '"'!' 

'  '='  ^  2  Cnron  34.  29  to 

assembly  in  the  courts  of  the  temple  at  Jerusalem ;  the  law   as.  19 


2o6  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

book  was  read  in  their  hearing,  and  they  all  united  in  pledg- 
ing themselves  to  obey  it. 

Its  requirements  were  at  once  put  into  force:  the  high- 
places  in  and  outside  of  Jerusalem  were  demolished ;  the 
Asherah,  the  symbolic  post  or  mast  standing  in  front  of  the 
altar,  was  cut  down  and  burned ;  the  teraphim  and  idols, 
apparently  figures  or  representations  of  the  divinity,  were 
removed ;  the  emblems  of  stellar  worship,  the  sun  chariot, 
were  taken  away;  the  high-places  of  the  "satyrs"  (instead 
of  "gates")  were  broken;  Moloch  worship  was  made  to 
cease;  the  houses  of  sacred  prostitution,  where  the  women 
made  garments  wherein  to  perform  the  immoral  rites  of 
Astarte,  were  broken  down ;  the  cults  of  spiritism  and 
augury  were  done  away  with ;  the  priests  associated  with  the 
illegal  cults  were  deposed  or  made  an  inferior  class  in  the 
temple  service ;  the  altars  of  foreign  workmanship  of  Ahaz 
and  Manasseh  were  broken  down;  and,  finally,  best  of  all, 
the  Passover  was  kept  according  to  the  strict  requirements 
of  the  newly  found  Law  book,  in  a  way  unknown  before  in 
Hebrew  history.  The  reformation,  described  with  such 
detail,  was  for  the  time  being,  evidently  thoroughgoing,  and 
it  must  have  produced  much  religious  exultation  among 
the  faithful. 

172.  The  Significance  of  the  Deuteronomic  Covenant. 
By  means  of  the  formal  adoption  of  the  book  of  the  Law 
as  the  rule  of  life  for  the  nation,  Israel  entered  afresh  into 
special  relations  with  Jehovah.  It  was  a  revival  of  the 
experience  of  Mosaic  times,  but  intensified  by  the  growth  of 
the  ideals  during  the  intervening  centuries.  As  a  conse- 
quence of  the  covenant  to  keep  the  Law,  Israel  reawakened 
to  the  consciousness  of  being  the  "chosen  people  of  God," 
and  as  such  might  expect  the  special  protection  of  Jehovah 
(Deut  7.  6;  14.  2;  26.  19;  28.  gi.;  compare  i  Pet  2.  9). 
On  the  other  hand  this  formal  adoption  of  the  law  as  con- 
tained in  a  book  was  not  without  certain  dangers,  which 
later  history  made  apparent.    Up  to  this  point  Israel  had 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH  207 

been  under  the  free  guidance  of  the  Spirit.  She  had  her 
laws  and  customs,  but  she  had  her  prophets  as  well  who 
spoke  with  the  living  voice.  From  henceforth  her  religion 
became  more  and  more  that  of  a  book  of  laws,  until  it 
reached  that  legalism  and  literalism  which  called  forth  the 
warning  "The  letter  killeth,  but  the  Spirit  giveth  life." 

173.  The  Death  of  Josiah.  And  now^  a  great  disaster  2  Kings  23.  28- 
happened.  The  pious  king,  faithful  and  zealous  from  his  20  to  36.  i 
youth,  and  against  whom  nothing  evil  could  be  said,  was 
slain  in  battle.  After  the  death  of  Assur-banipal  (626 
B.  C),  Assyria  declined,  and  Josiah  was  enabled  to 
regain  some  of  the  former  northern  portions  of  Israel,  and, 
no  doubt,  aspired  to  the  restoration  of  the  dominion  of 
David.  But  the  king  of  Egypt,  Pharaoh-Necho  II,  made 
use  of  the  inactivity  of  Assyria  to  invade  Syria.  Josiah  had 
the  daring  to  oppose  this  world-power.  Probably  in  the 
confident  assurance,  growing  out  of  his  faithfulness,  that 
Jehovah  w^ould  protect  him,  and  in  a  crisis  miraculously 
help  him,  he  went  forth  to  meet  the  superior  forces  of  his 
antagonist.  But  he  was  defeated  and  slain  in  the  battle  of 
Megiddo ;  and  his  body  brought  for  burial  to  Jerusalem. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Read  the  book  of  Nahum,  marking  its  subject-matter  by  means 
of  the  headings  in  your  Bible.  Note  the  severe  tone  and  account 
for  it  in  the  light  of  contemporaneous  history. 

2.  Do  the  same  with  the  book  of  Zephaniah. 

3.  Do  the  same  with  Jeremiah  i  to  6. 

4.  Read  the  account  of  the  finding  of  the  book  of  the  Law  and 
note  the  consternation  the  reading  awakened.  Find  passages  in 
Deut  5  to  26  and  28  that  would  account  for  such  consternation. 
Look  up  the  references  in  your  Bible. 

5.  Compare  the  contents  of  the  Deuteronomic  code  with  the 
reformation  its  reading  produced.  Use  the  marginal  references  to 
2  Kings  23.  1-27  and  note  how  many  abuses  it  involved. 

6.  Estimate  the  religious  value  of  the  Deuteronomic  covenant. 

7.  Read  the  account  of  the  death  of  Josiah  and  account  for  the 
daring  undertaking  of  the  king. 


2o8  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

4.   The  Prophet  Jeremiah  and  the  End  of  Judah 
The  kings  of  this  time  were: 

Jehoahaz    3  months 

Jehoiakim    608-597 

Jehoiachin    3  months 

Zedekiah    597-586 

174.  The  Sources.  Eleven  years  after  the  death  of 
Josiah,  Nebuchadrezzar  carried  captive  to  Babylon  the  first 
deportation ;  and  eleven  years  later  still  Jerusalem  was  laid 
in  ruins ;  and  during  this  period  of  twenty-two  years  the 
most  prominent  figure  in  the  greatest  variety  of  stirring 
events  was  the  prophet  Jeremiah.  Fortunately,  he  has  left 
us  in  his  book  full  details  of  what  happened,  supplementing 
the  meager  accounts  of  the  book  of  Kings. 

The  book  of  Jeremiah,  like  that  of  Isaiah,  is  not  chrono- 
logically arranged;  and  we  must  here  also  skip  about 
for  the  order  of  sequence,  which  is,  however,  made  easier 
by  the  fact  that  many  of  the  prophetic  addresses  are 
dated. 

175.  The  Earlier  Life  and  Activity  of  Jeremiah.  In 
the  superscription  of  his  book,  the  call  of  Jeremiah  is  dated 
as  the  thirteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  Josiah,  which  would 
be  five  years  before  the  great  reformation.  He  must  have 
taken  part  in  the  movement,  though  on  account  of  his  com- 
parative youth  he  did  not  appear  prominently.  At  that  time 
he  probably  still  resided  in  his  native  town,  Anathoth,  which, 
however,  lay  within  easy  walking  distance  north  of  Jeru- 
salem. His  father  was  the  priest  Hilkiah,  but  that  the  latter 
was  the  high  priest  of  the  same  name  is  doubtful ;  but  com- 
ing from  a  priestly  family,  he  is  the  first  of  the  type  of  the 
later  prophets,  combining  the  functions  of  the  two  offices. 
As  already  indicated,  the  call  to  his  prophetic  mission  prob- 
ably originated  in  the  political  movements  awakened  by  the 
Scythian  invasions ;  for  he  saw  in  them  the  guiding  hand  of 
Jehovah,  acting  in  the  interest  of  the  moral  discipline  of 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH  209 

Israel;  and  he  felt  impelled  to  raise  his  voice  with  that  of 
Nahum  and  Zephaniah  in  a  call  for  reform. 

176.  The  Reign  of  Jehoiakim.  Josiah's  legitimate  sue-  l^f^^l^^^'^^^^ 
cessor  was  his  son  Jehoahaz,  also  called  Shallum  (Jer  22.   2-4 

11),  and  evidently  the  popular  choice.  But  he  was  deposed 
by  Pharaoh-Necho,  after  only  a  three  months'  reign,  and 
was  carried  to  Egypt  in  chains,  where  he  died  in  exile.  The 
Egyptian  king  must  have  suspected  his  loyalty,  and  would 
be  more  assured  of  that  of  his  own  appointee,  Josiah's  other 
son,  Eliakim,  named  upon  coronation  Jehoiakim. 

Jehoiakim,  it  appears,  proved,  in  fact,  a  faithful  vassal  ^  ^"!^^r^  ^^  ? 
of  Egypt,  for  he  paid  the  heavy  tribute,  with  the  exception  5-3 
of  an  interval  of  three  years,  when  prevented  by  the  rival 
Babylonian  power,  and  pursued  a  friendly  Egyptian  policy. 
The  taxes  must  have  been  a  heavy  burden  upon  the  poor ; 
and  it  throws  an  unfavorable  light  upon  the  character  of 
Jehoiakim  that  he  should,  under  these  circumstances,  under- 
take extravagant  building  operations,  for  which  Jeremiah 
severely  rebukes  him  (22.  13-19).  The  king's  policy  was 
weak  and  selfish  and  worse  conditions  than  under  the 
renegade  Manasseh  appear  again.  Josiah's  death  had  dealt  J^^  "•  9-17 
a  severe  blow  to  the  program  of  reformation  by  the  pro- 
phetic party ;  the  disaster  brought  a  reaction  in  favor  of  the 
popular  heathen  cults ;  and  the  king  acquiesced.  When 
Jeremiah  rebuked  the  people  for  their  idolatry  they  com- 
placently replied  that  when  they  worshiped  other  gods  they 
were  better  off.  Their  skepticism  in  Jehovah's  righteous- 
ness showed  itself  in  the  popular  proverb,  expressing  the 
idea  that  the  children  were  innocently  suffering  for  evils 
done  by  their  parents,  "the  fathers  have  eaten  sour  grapes, 
and  the  children's  teeth  are  set  on  edge"  (Jer  31.  29;  44. 
17-19). 

177.  Jeremiah's  Courage.  In  the  face  of  personal  Jer  n.  is  to  12. 
danger  the  prophet  pursued  his  mission  of  a  watchman,  2i'^^_24^  °  '  ^' 
warning  the  nation  of  the  evil  bound  to  come ;  and  when 

opposed  and  persecuted  he  became  conscious  that  Jehovah 


2IO  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

had  set  him  hke  *'a  fortified  city,  and  an  iron  pillar,  and 
brazen  walls  against  the  whole  land"  (i.  i8f.).  The  men 
of  his  native  Anathoth  conspired  to  kill  him ;  and  in  conse- 
quence of  an  address  that  Jeremiah  had  made  in  the  temple 
court,  to  the  effect  that  the  temple  would  not  save  them 
from  destruction,  unless  they  lived  righteous  lives,  he  again 
just  escaped  being  executed,  while  another  prophet,  who 
had  expressed  similar  sentiment,  was  actually  put  to  death 

Jer36  by   Order   of  the   king.     The   utter  disregard   with   which 

Jehoiakim  treated  Jeremiah's  warnings  is  seen  by  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  king  cut  to  pieces  and  burned  the  written 
discourses  of  the  prophet. 

178.  The  Rise  of  Babylonia.  In  625  Nabopolassar, 
the  prince  of  the  Chaldeans,  took  possession  of  Babylon, 
and,  together  with  Cyaxares,  king  of  Media,  he  captured 
Nineveh  in  606.  In  the  division  of  the  spoil  Mesopotamia 
and  Syria  fell  to  the  ruler  of  Babylon.  Pharaoh-Necho's 
successes  in  Syria  had  been  due  to  the  inactivity  of  Assyria. 
But  when  Nebuchadrezzar  ascended  the  throne  of  his  father 
Nabopolassar,  he  met  the  Egyptian  king  and  defeated  him 
in  the  battle  of  Carchemish  (605)  ;  becoming  the  dominant 
factor  in  Palestinian  politics,  and  one  with  which  Judah  had 
now  to  reckon. 

Hab  1-3  179.  The  Prophet  Habakkuk.    But  Judah  gained  noth- 

ing by  the  change  of  masters.  The  Babylonians  were 
haughty,  violent,  and  destructive.  Their  rise  into  a  world- 
power  meant  no  good  to  anyone,  and  least  of  all  to  Judah. 
Why  should  Jehovah,  asks  Habakkuk,  in  his  short  prophetic 
book,  allow  these  arrogant  conquerors  to  prevail?  The 
answer  is  that  Jehovah  has  his  purpose  in  the  rise  of  this 
new  power.  In  due  time  the  Babylonian  empire  will  perish 
as  it  has  made  others  to  perish.  But  in  the  crisis  the  Baby- 
lonian invasion  brings  the  righteous  shall  be  safe  in  their 

^*^3  faithfulness    (2.   2-4).     The  book   closes   with  a  beautiful 

lyric  ode,  a  paean  of  faith,  which  appears  to  belong  to  a 
later  age. 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH  21 1 

180.  The  First  Deportation  to  Babylon.     In  .the  later  2  Kings  24.  8-17; 
years  of  Jehoiaklm's  reign  Nebuchadrezzar  had  made  Judah  ^      on  3  . 9  . 
pay  tribute  for  three  years.     Then  the  Hebrew  king  was 

tempted  to  revert  to  his  Egyptian  master,  and  finally  re- 
belled. Nebuchadrezzar  punished  the  rebel  at  first  by 
stirring  up  against  him  attacks  by  his  hostile  neighbors  (2 
Kings  24.  if.)  ;  but  upon  the  death  of  Jehoiakim  and  the  Jer 22. 24-30 
accession  of  his  young  son  Jehoiachin,  Nebuchadrezzar  laid 
siege  to  Jerusalem,  captured  it,  and  carried  captive  to 
Babylon  not  only  the  king,  the  royal  household,  and  nobles, 
but  also  seven  thousand  of  the  artisan  class.  He  placed 
over  what  was  left  of  the  nation  Mattaniah,  a  third  son  of 
Josiah,  who  took  upon  his  accession  to  the  throne  the  name 
of  Zedekiah. 

Jeremiah,   who   watched   carefully   the  political  horizon, 
saw  the  coming  of  the  Babylonian  storm.     He  endeavored  Jer  8.  4  to  9.  22; 
to  awaken  the  people  to  a  sense  of  the  danger  and  God's   '°*  '^~^^ 
judgment,  but  he  found  them  morally  insensible,  "saying, 
Peace,  peace,  when  there  is  no  peace."     He  recognized  in  Jer  46. 2-12;  25 
Nebuchadrezzar  Jehovah's  servant  appointed  to  execute  his 
judgment,   warned   the  king  against  alliance  with  Egypt,  Jer  14  to  17.  13; 
and   announced   the   latter's   defeat.      In   various   ways   he  ^o'.  3^5  ^'^' 
reiterated  his  messages  of  warning,  in  forms  of  dialogue, 
personal  laments,  and  symbolic  actions ;  but  all  in  vain. 

181.  Zedekiah's  Reign  and  Rebellion.  The  last  king  2  Kings  24.  18  to 
on  David's  throne  showed  himself  a  weakling,  and  he  lost  2Chron36.  ii-i6 
his  crown  and  brought  the  nation  to  its  end  by  his  lack 

of  moral  fiber  and  vacillating  policy.  The  first  deportation 
had  carried  away  the  most  energetic  element ;  what  was  left 
was  self-seeking  and  void  of  genuine  patriotism.  Those 
who  remained  still  indulged  in  the  vain  hope  of  the  down- 
fall of  Babylonia,  which  might  bring  them  independence, 
and  which  was  encouraged  by  Egypt,  where  now  a  new 
and  energetic  ruler,  Hophra,  had  arisen.  The  question  was 
whether  to  submit  to  Babylonia  or  join  Eg>'pt  and  other 
Syrian  powers  and  resist. 


212  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

The  attitude  of  Jeremiah  was  pro-Babylonian,  that  is, 
that  of  submission  to  Babylonia.  He  saw  the  uselessness  of 
trying  to  escape  from  the  inevitable.  On  the  other  side  was 
the  pro-Egyptian  party,  supported  by  the  nobles  and  the 
false  prophets ;  and  the  king  inclined  first  to  follow  one  and 
then  the  other. 

jer  12.  7-17;  13.       When  the  first  deportation  is  led  away  Jeremiah  raises  a 

'5~^^  dirge  over  fallen  Judah,  warns  Judah's  neighbors  of  a  like 

fate,  and  warns  the  remainder  to  repent.  Under  the  form 
of  a  vision  of  two  baskets  of  figs  he  compares  the  Babylonian 
captives  to  good  and  the  Juda^an  remainder  to  bad  figs, 

Jer  39  showing  his  estimate  of  their  respective  character  and  his 

hope  for  both  of  them.  He  writes  a  letter  to  the  exiles, 
urging  them  to  settle  down  quietly  until  Jehovah  brings  them 
back;  and  not  to  be  misled,  like  their  Judaean  brethren,  by 
the  false  prophets  who  promise  a  speedy  change  of  condi- 
tions. 

Jer  27;  28;  23  182.   Jeremiah's  Contest  with  the  Pro-Egyptian  Party. 

When  foreign  ambassadors  appear  in  Jerusalem  to  urge 
Judah  to  join  a  coalition  against  Babylonia,  Jeremiah  enters 
into  a  personal  contest  with  Hananiah,  the  leader  of  the 
pro-Egyptian  party,  representing  the  false  prophets.  Mak- 
ing a  set  of  five  yokes,  he  sends  them  to  the  kings  who  seek 
to  rebel  against  Babylonia,  with  the  advice:  "Bring  your 
necks  under  the  yoke  of  the  king  of  Babylonia,  and  serve 
him  and  his  people,  and  live" ;  and  when  Hananiah  takes 
the  symbolic  yoke  and  breaks  it,  to  signify  that  Nebuchadrez- 
zar's yoke  will  soon  be  broken,  Jeremiah  substitutes  a  yoke 
of  iron  for  the  yoke  of  wood,  to  signify  the  hopelessness 
of  the  mad  endeavor,  and  arraigns  Judah's  false  leaders. 

Ezekito3.2x  183.  The  Prophet  Ezekiel.    Among  the  people  carried 

to  Babylonia  in  597  was  Ezekiel ;  and  it  appears  that  five 
years  after  the  settlement  of  the  exile  community  at  Tel- 
abib,  by  the  canal  Chebar,  which  ran  from  the  city  of 
Babylon  eastward  to  Nippur,  he  received  his  divine  call  to 
his  prophetic  mission.    The  account  of  his  experience  is  the 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH  213 

most  elaborate  in  the  Old  Testament,  highly  figurative  and 
largely  influenced  by  the  sculpture  of  composite  creatures 
of  his  Babylonian  environment. 

He  seems  quite  familiar  with  the  conditions  in  Jerusalem,  Ezek  3.  2a  to  16, 
its  idolatry  and  moral  degradation,  and,  like  Jeremiah,  ^3;  17  to  24 
denounces  them,  and  in  the  most  graphic  manner  foretells 
the  utter  destruction  of  the  nation.  His  messages  bear  the 
stamp  of  literary  effort,  for  he  lived  at  a  distance  from  his 
audience;  they  must  have  been  conveyed  in  written  form, 
and  repay  detailed  study. 

184.  The  Siege  of  Jerusalem.  But  in  spite  of  all  v;rarn- 
ings,  the  fatal  step  of  rebellion  was  taken  by  the  king. 
Nebuchadrezzar,  who  had  his  headquarters  at  Riblah  on 
the  upper  Orontes,  sent  his  army  to  lay  siege  to  Jerusalem. 
The  city  was  well  fortified,  and  was  capable  of  resisting  a 
year  and  a  half. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  siege  Zedekiah  sent  messages  Jer  21.  i-io;  34 
to  Jeremiah  to  inquire  the  outcome  of  the  attack ;  the  prophet 
unhesitatingly  advised  surrender:  *'He  that  abideth  in  the 
city  shall  die.  ...  he  that  goeth  out  to  the  Chaldeans  that 
besiege  you,  shall  live."  The  Babylonians  were  compelled 
to  raise  the  siege  long  enough  to  engage  an  Egyptian  army 
that  had  come  to  the  relief  of  Jerusalem. 

While  the  siege  was  still  on,  the  Hebrew  slaves  had  \xpen 
released  as  an  act  of  repentance,  but  during  the  interval  of 
relief  repentance  was  thrown  to  the  winds;  the  king  and 
nobles  forgot  their  sacred  promises  and  forced  their  former 
slaves  again  into  illegal  bondage.  Jeremiah  denounces  this 
perfidy,  and  declares  that  its  punishment  will  be  the  cap- 
tivity of  the  king  and  his  nobles,  and  the  destruction  of  Jer  37;  38 
Jerusalem  and  Judah.  During  the  same  interval  Jeremiah 
left  Jerusalem  to  go  to  his  native  Anathoth.  He  was  sus- 
pected of  following  his  own  advice  in  going  over  to  the 
Chaldeans,  and  consequently  was  arrested  and  imprisoned. 
His  enemies  suggested  that,  as  he  disaffected  the  minds  of 
the  people,  he  should  be  executed,  and  he  was  thrown  into 


214  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

a  miry  cistern,  and  transferred  from  there  into  more  whole- 
some prison  quarters  only  by  the  intercession  of  a  foreigner. 
Here  the  weak  king  visited  him  to  have  a  private  interview 
with  him,  Jeremiah  persisting  in  his  advice  of  surrender  to 
the  king  of  Babylon. 
2  Kings  25.  3-21;       185.   The  Capture  of  the  King  and  the  Destruction  of 
lol  52.  &^3o°  ^^    Jerusalem.    At  last  a  breach  in  the  walls  of  the  city  was 
2  Chron  36. 17-12   made,  and  the  conquering  army  poured  in.     The  king  fled, 
but  was  overtaken  near  Jericho  and  carried  to  Nebuchadrez- 
zar at  Riblah.     There  the  king's  sons  were  slain  before  his 
eyes,  and  then  his  eyes  put  out,  and  he  in  blindness  and 
chains  was  carried  off  into  exile  to  Babylonia. 

A  month  later  Jerusalem  with  its  temple,  palaces,  and 
houses,  was  burned,  and  the  walls  of  the  city  broken  down. 
The  vessels  of  the  temple  were  carried  off  as  booty,  and  the 
people  sent  into  exile. 
2  Kings  25.  22-  186.  The  Murder  of  Gedaliah.  Gedaliah,  one  of  the 
41.'  is^*^  ^°  ^  °  better  type  of  men,  and  a  friend  of  Jeremiah,  was  placed  as 
governor  over  the  few  "poorest  of  the  land,"  taking  up  his 
residence  in  Mizpeh.  The  people  gave  themselves  to  gather- 
ing in  the  fruit  harvest,  and  all  seemed  going  well.  Then 
the  king  of  the  Ammonites  instigated  a  conspiracy,  headed 
by  Ishmael,  one  of  the  royal  seed,  which  led  to  the  treacher- 
ous murder  of  the  new  governor  and  of  many  of  his  ad- 
Jer  39.  II  to  40  6  herents,  among  them  some  Babylonians.  The  remainder, 
fearing  the  vengeance  of  the  king  of  Babylon,  fled  into 
Egypt,  carrying  with  them  Jeremiah,  who  had  been  liberated 
by  the  command  of  Nebuchadrezzar  and  had  joined  Geda- 
liah. Jeremiah  strongly  disapproved  of  the  attempt  to  find 
refuge  in  Egypt,  but  his  protests  were  in  vain;  he  himself 
was  carried  there  by  force,  and  Jewish  tradition  says  that 
he  died  a  martyr's  death  in  Egypt  at  the  hands  of  his  own 
countrymen. 

187.  The  Character  and  Message  of  Jeremiah.  To 
Jeremiah  must  be  accorded  the  title  of  the  greatest  prophet 
of  Old  Testament  history  for  both  his  personal  character 


THE  KINGDOM  OF  JUDAH  215 

and  the  advance  he  gave  to  rehgioiis  and  moral  truth.  Like 
his  prophetic  predecessors,  he  proclaims  Jehovah's  righteous- 
ness and  love,  an  exalted  ethical  monotheism ;  like  them, 
he  insists  on  social  justice  and  purity;  like  them,  he  also 
repudiates  Israel's  mission  to  play  a  role  in  international 
politics,  and  announces  Israel's  downfall  as  due  to  a  divine 
visitation  on  account  of  religious  and  moral  delinquencies, 
to  be  averted  only  on  genuine  repentance. 

But  Jeremiah  advances  beyond  his  predecessors  in  his 
broadening  conception  of  God  and  of  the  nature  of  religion. 
His  monotheism  becomes  clearer  and  more  pronounced  by 
two  new  ideas :  ( i )  that  the  gods  of  other  nations  are 
vanities  or  nonentities,  that  is,  they  have  no  real  existence; 
and  there  exists  only  one  true  God,  even  Jehovah  ( 10.  8ff. ; 
14.  22)  ;  and  (2)  that  other  nations  will  ultimately  come 
to  learn  and  acknowledge  Jehovah  as  their  own  God  (3.  17; 
4.  2;  16.  19).  These  ideas  make  the  Old  Testament  con- 
ception of  God  universal  and  lay  the  foundations  of  a  mis- 
sionary religion. 

Similar  was  the  broadening  or,  rather,  deepening  of  Jere- 
miah's conception  of  religion.  There  are  three  elements 
which  he  adds,  tending  to  spiritualize  religion :  ( i )  man's 
individual  and  personal  moral  responsibility  (31.  29f.)  ;  (2) 
religion  can  dispense  better  with  the  temple  and  ceremonial- 
ism than  with  an  ethical  life;  in  other  words,  he  does  no 
longer  deem  the  inviolability  of  the  temple  or  Zion  an 
essential  element  of  religious  or  national  existence  (7.  1-15; 
ch.  26)  ;  and  (3)  religious  obligations  become  a  matter  of 
conscience  and  inner  promptings,  or  the  law  is  written  upon 
the  heart  (31.  31-34). 

There  must  now  be  added  to  the  expression  of  these  vital 
truths  the  long  unwearied  life  of  the  prophet,  who  for  forty 
years,  with  patience  and  tenderness,  by  precept  and  example, 
endeavored  to  make  them  realized ;  and  who  through  his 
sufferings  and  martyrdom  became  the  prototype  of  the  Man 
of  Sorrows  and  acquainted  with  grief. 


2i6  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

I.  Underscore  the  names  of  the  kings  and  insert  the  dates  in 
your  Bible. 

2.  Consider  by  what  means  God  called  Jeremiah  to  his  mission 
and  note  the  character  of  his  early  environment. 

3.  Read  the  messages  of  Jeremiah  in  their  chronological  order 
and  mark  them  so  in  your  Bible. 

4.  Note  well  the  political  changes  in  Egypt  and  Babylonia  and 
their  effect  on  Judah. 

5.  Read  the  book  of  Habakkuk  and  mark  it  by  means  of  the 
headings  in  your  Bible. 

6.  Read  the  passages  relating  to  the  first  deportation  to  Babylon 
and  note  whom  it  included. 

7.  Read  the  passages  relating  to  Zedekiah's  reign  and  the  party 
strife  and  note  Jeremiah's  attitude  and  his  manner  of  enforcing  it. 

8.  Consider  how  God  called  Ezekiel  to  his  mission  and  note  the 
highly  figurative  description.  Examine  the  composite  creatures  in 
Rogers,  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old  Testament,  plates  8  and  30. 

9.  Read  the  messages  of  Ezekiel  with  the  use  of  the  headings. 
10.  Read  the  passages  relating  to  the  siege  and  fall  of  Jerusalem 

and  the  murder  of  Gedaliah. 

II.  Estimate   the   value   of   the   character   and   achievements   of 
Jeremiah. 


CHAPTER  XI 
THE  EXILE 

I.    The  Centers  of  the  Exiles 

i88.  The  Exile  as  a  Transition.  With  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem  in  586  B.  C,  and  the  scattering  of  the  Hebrew 
people,  the  national  existence  of  the  Hebrews  comes  to  an 
end.  The  kingdom  founded  by  David,  after  about  four 
centuries  of  existence,  has  fallen  to  pieces;  and  when  it  is 
revived,  it  is  no  longer  a  nation,  but  merely  a  religious  com- 
munity, a  church.  The  exile  divides  Old  Testament  history 
into  Hebrew  and  Jewish  history,  and  brings  us  from  the 
Period  of  the  Prophets  to  the  Period  of  the  Priests. 

But  the  transition  was  gradual;  and  it  is  not  possible  to 
draw  the  line  of  division  with  precision.  The  prophet 
Ezekiel  illustrates  in  his  own  person  the  double  character 
of  this  period — he  is  both  prophet  and  priest.  The  pro- 
phetic activity  continued  for  some  time,  not  only  in  Ezekiel, 
but  in  the  so-called  Great  Prophet  of  the  Exile  (Isa  40  to 
66)  and  in  the  manner  in  which  the  ideas  of  the  prophets 
were  incorporated  in  the  historical  and  prophetical  literature 
of  the  preexilic  period,  when  they  passed  through  their 
redaction  during  the  exile. 

189.  Fallen  Judah  and  Its  Neighbors.  The  dispersion 
of  the  people  on  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  resulted  in 
their  settlement  in  three  centers — Babylonia,  Egypt,  and 
Palestine.  Ezekiel  (33.  24)  speaks  of  "many"  still  inhabit- 
ing the  "waste  places  in  the  land  of  Israel";  and  it  would 
seem  that  the  deportations  affected  mainly  the  urban  popu- 
lation, while  the  rural  element,  being  less  troublesome,  was 

217 


2l8 


OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 


Book  of  Lamen- 
tations 


Obadiah 
Ezek  35  to  32 


Ezek  33.  23-29 


left  to  itself  by  Nebuchadrezzar.  This  rural  population 
must  soon  have  rallied,  and,  augmented  by  others  who 
returned  from  their  flight  when  the  danger  was  over,  formed 
a  considerable  community. 

The  terror  of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  and  the  devastation 
of  the  country,  and  the  interest  with  which  these  were 
watched  and  rejoiced  over  by  Judah's  hostile  neighbors, 
may  be  seen  reflected  in  passages  of  the  book  of  Lamenta- 
tions, the  book  of  Obadiah,  and  Ezekiel's  prophecies  against 
the  foreign  nations,  passages  which  furnish  glimpses  of  the 
deplorable  condition  of  those  who  had  remained  in  the  land. 

There  exists  probably  no  more  pathetic  elegy  in  any 
language  than  that  in  which  the  Hebrew  poet  bemoans  the 
fall  of  his  native  capital.  Reproducing  the  opening  verse 
in  the  peculiar  meter  of  the  Hebrew  dirge,  it  reads : 

How  sits  so  lonely  the  city — once  populous ; 
A  widow  has  she  become — the  queen  of  peoples; 
The  princess  among  princes — is  a  slave. 

In  similar  strains  the  poet  describes  the  utter  desolation 
of  his  fair  native  land  and  the  malicious  joy  of  Israel's 
enemies  (2.  6-10,  i5f.). 

In  the  brief  prophecy  of  Obadiah  the  theme  is  Edom's 
participation  in  the  slaughter  and  spoil  of  Judah,  for  which 
it  is  to  meet  a  like  fate.  In  like  manner,  Ezekiel  passes  in 
review  Ammon,  Moab,  Edom,  and  Philistia,  announcing  that 
their  joy  over  the  fall  of  Judah  will  result  in  their  own 
downfall  by  the  very  same  political  power,  and  that  Phoenicia 
and  Egypt  also  will  fall  the  prey  of  Nebuchadrezzar,  who 
is  but  carrying  out  Jehovah's  purpose,  with  the  ultimate 
result  of  Israel's  restoration. 

It  is  no  wonder,  then,  that  under  these  adverse  conditions 
the  weak  Judsean  community  failed  to  thrive;  surrounded 
by  enemies,  who  wished  it  evil  and  harassed  it,  it  merely 
eked  out  an  existence  and  remained  puny  and  weak.  The 
religious  and  moral  conditions  of  the  community  were  no 


THE  EXILE  219 

less  deplorable.  Ezekiel  paints  a  dark  picture  of  the  im- 
moral and  irreligious  acts  openly  practiced,  adding  moral 
to  material  ruin. 

190.    The  Exiles  in  Egypt.     The  material  conditions  Jer42to44 
of  the  exiles  in  Eg>'pt  were  more  favorable.     Here  they 
were  among  allies,  who  shared  their  fear  and  hatred  for 
Nebuchadrezzar.    Egypt  had  from  patriarchal  times  served 
as  a  refuge  of  needy  Israelites,  and  it  was  within  easy  reach. 
Not  only  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  but  even  earUer 
(Jer  24.  8b.)  many  of  the  race  had  settled  in  Egypt,  and 
they  constituted  probably  a  large  proportion  of  it.     Their 
settlement  was  at  Taphanes  (Jer  43.  8),  the  Greek  Daphnse, 
and  the  modern  Defenneh,  on  the  extremest  eastern  border, 
and  at  the  otherwise  unknown  Migdol.     Herodotus's  de- 
scription  of    Daphnse   as    well   as   its    recent   excavations, 
reveal  that  it  was  of  considerable  importance,  containing 
a  royal  residence  and  serving  as  the  meeting  place  of  the 
merchants  of  many  nations.     It  appears  that  the  Israelites 
freely  mingled  in  the  varied  hfe  of  this  country  and  pros- 
pered.   But  its  effect  upon  their  rehgion  was  not  beneficial, 
for  they  assiduously   followed  heathen  customs  and  par- 
ticularly the  cult  of  "the  queen  of  heaven,"  which  accounts 
for  Jeremiah's  objection  to  the  residence  in  Egypt. 

Both  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel  also  mention  settlements  at 
Memphis  and  the  country  at  Pathros,  by  which  is  meant 
upper  Egypt.  Aramaic  legal  documents  written  on  papyrus 
and  dated  between  the  years  471  and  411  B.  C,  which  have 
recently  been  discovered  at  Elephantine,  an  island  of  the 
Nile,  opposite  Assuan,  have  thrown  a  most  interesting  light 
upon  the  Jewish  hfe  in  Egypt  during  this  period.  They 
tell  of  transfers  of  property,  contracts,  and  other  legal 
matters;  of  law  courts,  traders,  and  bankers,  and  of  Jewish 
marriages  among  themselves  and  with  foreigners  who  be- 
came Jews;  and  it  appears  from  all  this  that  the  Jewish 
community  at  Elephantine  was  large  and  wealthy. 

But  more  remarkable  still  is  the  information  which  an 


220  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

Aramaic  letter,  also  recently  discovered  here,  and  dated  in 
the  year  408  B.  C,  brings  concerning  a  Jewish  temple  at 
Elephantine,  already  in  existence  in  the  reign  of  Cambyses 
(529-522  B.  C).  It  was  a  temple  built  to  the  God  Yahu 
(Jehovah),  of  hewn  stones,  with  pillars  of  stone  in  front, 
with  seven  gates  of  hewn  stone,  provided  with  doors,  and 
w^ith  its  roof  covered  with  Lebanon  cedar  wood.  It  pos- 
sessed all  the  utensils  and  equipment  for  the  various  sacri- 
fices; and  mentions  the  fact  that  on  its  altar  were  regularly 
offered  cereal  offerings,  burnt-oiferings,  and  frankincense, 
in  the  name  of  the  God  Yahu. 

It  thus  appears  from  this  rather  remarkable  find  that  the 
Jews  of  Egypt  were  not  entirely  given  over  to  heathenism, 
but  had,  as  has  been  long  known,  not  only  a  temple  at 
Leontopolis,  in  the  Delta,  during  the  Greek  period,  but 
another  and  earlier  one,  within  a  generation  of  the  destruc- 
tion of  Jerusalem  in  586  B.  C.,  in  upper  Egypt,  where 
they  endeavored,  although  exiled  from  their  home,  to  prac- 
tice their  religious  customs,  and  keep  alive  their  religious 
faith. 

191.  The  Exiles  in  Babylonia.  But  by  far  the  larger 
number  of  the  exiles  settled  in  Babylonia,  where  they  passed 
through  a  development  that  had  the  most  far-reaching  influ- 
ence upon  their  subsequent  life  and  religion.  Hither  they 
had  been  deported  by  Nebuchadrezzar  at  three  different 
times — in  597,  in  586,  and  after  the  murder  of  Gedaliah. 
But  the  exiles  at  Chebar  were  "captive"  only  in  a  relative 
sense,  for  it  is  evident  from  references  in  the  prophecy 
of  Ezekiel  that,  although  in  a  foreign  land,  they  were 
allowed  considerable  freedom  of  movement  and  constituted 
a  community  of  their  own,  in  which  their  government  by 
**elders"  continued  to  exist.  They  were  most  probably 
employed  in  many  of  the  building  projects  of  Nebuchad- 
rezzar, practiced  agriculture,  and  engaged  in  commerce, 
jer  29. 1-I4  and  as  long  as  they  paid  their  taxes,  were  allowed  to  live 

in  peace.     Jeremiah's  advice  had  been  that  the  captives 


THE  EXILE  221 

settle  down  to  a  peaceful  life  in  expectation  that  it  would 
continue  for  a  long  time. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Consider  the  importance  of  the  exile  and  note  the  transition 
from  the  prophetic  to  the  priestly  ideals  in  the  development  of 
Hebrew  religion. 

2.  Read  the  book  of  Lamentation  with  the  aid  of  the  headings. 

3.  Read  in  the  same  manner  for  the  light  on  the  conditions  of 
the  exiles  the  messages  of  Obadiah  and  Ezekiel. 

4.  Read  Jer  42  to  44  and  consider  the  conditions  of  the  exiles  in 
Egypt.    Locate  their  settlements  on  the  map. 

5.  Consider  the  conditions  of  the  exiles  in  Babylon  and  note  the 
expectation  in  the  passage  in  Jeremiah. 

2.    The  Prophet  Ezekiel 

192.     Ezekiel's    Activity    Among    the    Exiles.      The 

destruction  of  Jerusalem  was  a  turning  point  in  the  work 
of  Ezekiel.  Before  the  catastrophe  he  was  a  stern  denun- 
ciator of  the  evils  which  were  hastening  the  downfall  of 
the  nation,  and  his  efforts  were  directed,  if  possible,  to 
avert  the  impending  doom;  but  when  the  end  had  come 
he  gave  himself,  as  a  true  pastor,  to  the  task  of  encouraging 
and  helping  his  people,  lest  the  moral  and  religious  ruin 
become  irreparable.  To  this  second  part  of  Ezekiel's  min- 
istry belong  the  messages  of  consolation,  consisting  of 
promises  of  the  coming  restoration,  including  a  most  com- 
prehensive plan  of  the  restored  state. 

Ezekiel  feels  his  responsibility  to  act  as  the  watchman  Ezekaatoag 
over  the  fortunes  of  his  people,  and  to  warn  them  of  the 
just  consequences  of  their  acts.  In  the  future  Israel  is  to 
have  more  faithful  rulers.  When  Israel  is  restored  Edom 
will  suffer  for  its  malice,  Judah  will  again  be  fertile  and 
populous,  the  nation  will  live  again,  like  the  vivified  dried 
bones  scattered  over  a  valley,  and  in  their  union  and  restora- 
tion Jehovah  will  be  glorified. 

The  plan  of  the  restored  state  Ezekiel  conveys,  as  many   Ezek4oto48 
of  his  messages,  in  the  graphic  form  of  a  vision.     It  in- 


222  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

eludes  a  most  elaborate  description  of  the  new  sanctuary 
on  Mount  Zion,  with  the  restored  presence  of  the  glory 
of  Jehovah;  it  deals  with  the  functions  of  the  priests, 
Levites  and  princes,  regulations  concerning  offerings,  and 
the  allotment  of  the  land. 

193.  The  Character  and  Message  of  Ezekiel.  Ezekiel 
has  been  termed  the  "most  interesting"  of  all  of  the  Old 
Testament  prophets.  He  evidently  was  a  man  of  broad 
culture;  and  he  possessed  the  ability  to  assimilate  the  best 
elements  of  his  foreign  Babylonian  environment,  without 
allowing  it  to  dominate  him,  but,  rather,  turning  it  into 
the  service  of  the  religion  of  Jehovah.  Symbolism  and 
visions  as  literary  means  of  conveying  moral  and  religious 
truth  reach  in  him  the  highest  point  of  development;  and 
some  of  his  imagery,  as  the  thrice  repeated  theophany  of 
Jehovah's  glory  (ch.  i ;  10;  43.  1-3),  show  plainly  the  influ- 
ence of  Babylonian  sculpture. 

The  breadth  of  his  character  is  seen  in  that  he  was 
both  prophet  and  priest;  and  not  merely  half-prophet  and 
half-priest,  but  both  in  fullest  strength.  As  prophet, 
Ezekiel  reiterates  the  essential  ideas  of  his  predecessors 
regarding  social  justice,  morality,  and  spiritual  rehgion, 
although  the  latter  is  somewhat  less  marked  through  his 
interest  in  ceremonialism  (22.  6-12;  33.  15;  ch.  7).  Like 
Hosea,  he  represents  Israel  as  the  unfaithful  wife  of 
Jehovah,  but  carries  the  simile  further  in  that  he  considers 
the  unfaithfulness  to  have  begun  already  before  the  mar- 
riage in  Egypt  and  to  be  irreparable  (ch.  16;  23).  Like 
Jeremiah,  he  attacks  the  common  error  of  the  inviolability 
of  Zion,  and  adds  the  striking  picture  of  Jehovah's  aban- 
donment of  Jerusalem,  his  dwelling  place  (10.  i8f).  In 
like  manner  he  follows  Jeremiah  in  asserting  the  moral 
responsibility  of  the  individual,  but  works  it  out  with  fuller 
detail,  and  at  the  same  time  formulates  with  similar  detail 
one  of  the  most  essential  biblical  doctrines,  that  of  re- 
pentance and   forgiveness   (14.   12-23;  18;  33). 


THE  EXILE  223 

But  Ezekiel  is  also  essentially  priest;  and  his  Messianic 
expectation  takes  the  form  of  the  restoration  of  Israel 
under  a  theocratic  government  in  which  a  hierarchy,  and 
not  a  monarchy,  is  in  supremacy,  and  for  which  he  con- 
tributes a  new  national  constitution.  The  center  of  the 
new  order  is  not  the  royal  palace  but  the  temple,  whose 
functionaries  are  divided  into  two  classes — Priests  and 
Levites;  and  instead  of  one  court  inclosing  the  sanctuary 
there  are  now  two;  and  within  the  second  the  layman  is 
not  allowed  to  enter.  With  the  emphasis  upon  ritual  holi- 
ness Jehovah  becomes  less  approachable;  and  the  way  is 
opened  for  the  transcendental  conception  of  Jehovah. 

Ezekiel,  it  thus  appears,  pushes  one  step  further  the 
movement  to  embody  prophetic  ideas  in  a  ritual  form  begun 
with  the  Deuteronomic  law  and  aided  by  Jeremiah.  It 
will  appear  subsequently  that  the  attempt  to  mingle  the 
two  was  not  in  the  line  of  true  progress :  it  was  a  com- 
promise. Ezekiel's  interest  in  ceremonialism  developed  into 
legalism;  and  he  has  not  unjustly  been  called  the  father  of 
Judaism. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Read  Ezek  33  to  39  with  the  aid  of  the  headings  and  note  the 
character  of  Ezekiel's  messages. 

2.  Read  Ezek  40-48  with  the  aid  of  the  headings  and  consider  the 
place  ritual  has  in  Ezekiel's  plan  of  the  restored  community. 

3.  Estimate  the  character  and  message  of  Ezekiel  and  consider 
his  place  in  the  history  of  divine  revelation. 

3.    The  Literature  of  the  Exile 

194.  The  Literary  Activity  of  the  Exile.  There  ap- 
pears to  be  good  ground  for  holding  that  the  period  of  the 
exile  was  characterized  by  a  literary  activity  of  consider- 
able extent.  It  was  a  period  of  meditation  induced  by  the 
affliction  that  had  befallen  the  race  in  the  loss  of  its  national 
life.  The  thoughtful  members  of  the  exiled  community 
must  have  felt  the  necessity  of  collecting  the  literary  prod- 
ucts and  putting  them  into  such  form  as  to  preserve  them 


224  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

for  future  generations;  and  its  effect  may  be  traced  in 
three  types  of  biblical  literature — the  historical,  the  pro- 
phetic, and  the  legal. 

The  literary  interest  of  the  exiles  is  manifest  in  the  form 
it  gave  to  the  historical  portions  of  the  Old  Testament, 
comprising  Genesis  to  Kings.  The  combination  of  the  two 
histories,  J  and  E,  had  been  effected  before  the  exile;  and 
the  book  of  Judges  also  already  existed  as  a  whole.  But 
the  unifying  plan  which  is  traceable  in  this  historical  work 
was  the  contribution  of  redactors  who  felt  it  their  duty 
to  collect,  arrange,  and  present  it  from  the  new  point  of 
view  obtained  by  the  painful  experience  of  Israel's  down- 
fall. As  already  pointed  out  (Section  7.  4;  73f.),  when 
Israel's  history  was  surveyed  from  the  point  of  view  of  the 
exile,  the  outstanding  cause  of  its  national  calamity  was 
seen  to  have  been  its  contamination  with  the  social  and 
religious  vices  of  Canaanite  heathenism.  The  Deuteronomic 
law  had  given  this  heathen  influence  its  death  blow;  the 
events  of  history  had  confirmed  the  assertions  of  the 
prophets  that  Jehovah's  righteousness  and  Israel's  discip- 
line required  the  nation's  doom,  and  the  events  of  the  past 
were  subjected  to  an  estimate  on  the  basis  of  the  Deuter- 
onomic principles.  This  redaction  is  known  as  the 
Deuteronomistic.  To  it  we  must  ascribe  the  opening  and 
closing  chapters  within  which  the  Deuteronomic  code  of 
laws  (12-26;  28)  is  embodied.  In  the  earlier  books  of 
the  Hexateuch  but  few  traces  of  the  redaction  are  found. 
The  first  part  of  the  book  of  Joshua,  containing  the  national 
view  of  the  conquest  of  Canaan,  is  strongly  Deuteronom- 
istic; and  so  is  the  framework  of  the  book  of  Judges  with 
its  recurring  backsliding  and  repentance.  The  books  of 
Samuel,  again,  show  but  little  of  this  influence;  yet  the 
antagonistic  attitude  toward  the  kingship  is  probably  from 
this  source.  In  Kings  the  synchronistic  arrangement, 
estimate  of  the  kings,  and  the  homilies  on  Israel's  apostasy, 
found  at  different  points,   belong  to   this   redaction.     By 


THE  EXILE  225 

means  of  these  characteristic  additions  and  the  general 
form  that  the  earlier  material  thus  received,  the  faithful 
exiles  endeavored  to  enforce  the  teachings  of  the  prophets 
by  lessons  drawn  from  Hebrew  history;  and  the  success 
of  their  pious  endeavor  may  be  seen  in  the  fact  that  the 
chief  lessons  for  religious  instruction  are  still  derived  from 
their  contributions  to  Old  Testament  history. 

195.  The  Prophetic  Literature.  The  story  of  the 
writing  down  of  Jeremiah's  prophecies,  their  destruction, 
and  the  rewriting  and  collection  of  them  by  Baruch,  the 
scribe  (Jer  36),  furnishes  an  instructive  illustration  of  the 
literary  history  of  prophetic  literature.  The  earlier 
prophets,  like  Amos,  Hosea,  and  Isaiah,  were  primarily 
speakers,  and  the  writing  of  their  utterances  was  evidently, 
as  with  Jeremiah,  only  an  afterthought.  How  much  the 
prophet  himself  wrote  of  his  message  it  is  now  no  longer 
possible  to  determine.  It  is  probable  that  the  prophets' 
faithful  disciples  often  wrote  down  the  public  discourses 
of  their  teachers.  From  the  detached  and  very  frag- 
mentary remains  of  the  sayings  we  may  conclude  that 
they  were  mere  notes  of  the  sermons  spoken  at  different 
occasions,  and  collected  without  reference  to  their  logical 
or  chronological  sequence.  The  prophecies  of  Ezekiel  are, 
however,  in  most  striking  contrast,  well  arranged:  they 
were  probably  edited  by  the  prophet  himself,  and  reflect  the 
literary  tendency  of  the  period  of  the  exile.  It  seems  quite 
probable,  therefore,  that  the  literary  activity  of  this  period 
busied  itself  with  the  collecting  and  editing  of  the  pro- 
phetic material,  and  that  to  it  belongs  the  dating  as  well 
as  some  of  the  passages  which  betray  a  later  point  of  view. 
Thus  during  the  exile  the  first  editorial  step  was  taken  in 
the  process  which  ultimately  gave  our  prophetic  literature 
its  present  form. 

196.  The  Law  of  Holiness.    Of  the  same  character  as     Lev  17  to  26 
Ezekiel's   priestly   plan   of   organization   is   the   legislation 
contained  in  the  so-called  Law  of  Holiness,  and  it  has  been 


226  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

supposed  that  Ezekiel  himself  was  its  author.  As  com- 
pared with  the  Deuteronomic  law,  which  is  the  product  of 
the  prophets  and  popular,  the  latter  is  priestly;  and  on  the 
whole  is  a  later  and  more  advanced  step  in  the  growth  of 
the  ritual.  But  that  it  still  belongs  within  the  prophetic 
period  is  evident  from  two  considerations.  Many  of  the 
laws  possess  an  archaic  character,  and  some  of  them  may 
even  be  as  old  as  the  time  of  Moses;  they  had  probably 
been  in  force  in  priestly  circles  for  centuries,  and  were 
handed  down  orally ;  but  they  now  receive  their  codification, 
and  they  represent  the  literary  activity  of  the  exiles  in 
transmitting  earlier  material. 

But  what  gives  them  a  special  character  is  that  under- 
lying them  is  a  highly  ethical  and  humanitarian  motive. 
Israel  is  to  be  holy,  because  Jehovah  their  God  is  holy. 
But  the  holiness,  though  ritual,  has  for  its  purpose  social 
and  moral  purity.  Among  its  laws  are:  not  to  steal,  nor 
to  deal  falsely,  nor  to  lie  one  to  another;  not  to  oppress  a 
neighbor,  nor  rob  him;  not  to  hold  back  the  wages  of  a 
hired  servant;  not  to  curse  the  deaf,  nor  put  an  obstacle 
before  the  blind;  not  to  favor  in  judgment  the  poor  nor  the 
mighty,  but  to  judge  in  righteousness;  not  to  go  up  and 
down  as  talebearer;  not  to  hate  a  brother,  nor  to  bear  him 
a  grudge;  and  to  cap  the  climax,  it  adds  the  second  part 
of  the  two  commandments  on  which  hang  all  the  law  and 
the  prophets,  ''Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself 
(Lev  19.  11-18). 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Consider  the  causes  of  the  literary  activity  during  the  exile. 

2.  Read  the  following  selections  as  illustrating  the  Deuteronomic 
redaction  of  the  historical  books:  Deut  5  to  11;  28;  Josh  i;  23; 
Judg  2.  6-19;  I  Sam  12;  i  Kings  8.  14  to  9.  9;  14.  1-20;  2  Kings 
17.  7-23;  22.  II  to  23.  3;  24.  1-4. 

3.  Read  Jer  36  for  the  light  it  throws  upon  the  writing  and  editing 
of  the  prophetic  literature,  and  compare  the  opening  verses  of  the 
books  of  Amos,  Hosea,  Isaiah,  Micah,  Jeremiah,  and  Ezekiel. 


THE  EXILE  22J 

4.  Examine  the  content  of  the  Law  of  Holiness  with  the  aid  of 
the  headings,  and  compare  its  contents  with  the  Book  of  the 
Covenant  and  the  Deuteronomic  Code. 

4.    The  Great  Prophet  of  the  Exile 

197.  The  Later  Years  of  the  Exile.  As  the  exile  con- 
tinued to  lengthen  out,  the  material  condition  of  the  exiles 
deteriorated,  the  Babylonian  yoke  became  more  oppressive, 
the  longing  for  the  return  increased;  but  as  Babylonia 
continued  in  its  wanton  power  the  exiles  failed  to  see  any 
ray  of  hope,  and  discouragement  with  its  depressing  effect 
settled  heavily  upon  them.  The  friendly  feeling  toward 
Babylonia  changed  into  hatred  and  hope  of  its  destruc- 
tion. This  is  the  sentiment  expressed  in  the  so-called  Song  Deut  32. 1-43 
of  Moses,  which  reflects  the  thought  and  feelings  of  this 

period.  Israel's  humbled  condition  is  due  to  their  forsak- 
ing Jehovah  and  sacrificing  unto  demons;  but  the  day  of 
vengeance  on  their  oppressors  is  at  hand,  and  *'he  will 
make  expiation  for  his  land,  for  his  people." 

198.  The  Rise  of  Cyrus.  Political  conditions  were 
gradually  assuming  a  form  that  presaged  to  the  far-seeing 
Hebrew  patriots  a  hope  for  a  change  that  would  bring 
them  relief.  The  change  began  about  the  middle  of  the 
sixth  century.  With  the  death  of  Nebuchadrezzar  (561) 
Babylonia  entered  on  its  decline.  Evil  Merodach  (Amil- 
Marduk)  reigned  but  two  years,  and  he  was  murdered  by 
his  brother-in-law  Neriglissar  (Nirgal-sharu-uzur),  who 
had  been  a  general  in  the  army  that  besieged  Jerusalem 
(Jer  39-  3)-  His  reign  lasted  only  four  years,  and  his 
infant  son's  only  nine  months,  when  he  had  to  yield  his 
throne  to  his  rival  Nabonidus  (555-538).  The  first  part 
of  the  latter's  reign  was  peaceful,  but  he  soon  was  drawn 
into  the  political  movements  going  on  about  him.  In  558 
Cyrus  became  king  of  Persia  and  Elam;  in  the  year  550 
he  had  succeeded  in  making  himself  master  of  IVIedia.  In 
546  he  had  defeated  Croesus  and  captured  Sardis,  and  in 


228  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

the  following  years  Asia  Minor  and  the  Greek  coast-lands 
had  yielded  to  him.  He  was  now  ready  to  throw  himself 
upon  Babylon.  In  538,  apparently  while  Belshazzar, 
Nebuchadrezzar's  son,  was  in  charge  of  the  city,  the  in- 
habitants opened  the  gates  to  the  army  of  the  conqueror, 
and  Cyrus  became  its  king  without  striking  a  blow.  This 
is  the  manner  in  which  he  himself  records  his  entry  into 
Babylon:  *T  am  Cyrus,  king  of  the  world,  the  great  king, 
the  powerful  king,  king  of  Babylon.  .  .  .  When  I  made  my 
triumphal  entrance  into  Babylon,  with  joy  and  rejoicing 
I  took  up  my  lordly  residence  in  the  royal  palace,  Marduk, 
the  great  lord,  moved  the  noble  hearts  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Babylon,  to  me,  while  I  gave  daily  care  to  his  worship. 
My  numerous  troops  marched  peacefully  into  Babylon. . .  ."^ 

199.  Prophecies  on  the  Downfall  of  Babylon.  The 
exiles,  who  were  no  doubt  watching  these  political  move- 
ments, saw  in  them  the  coming  vengeance  on  their  op- 
pressors; and  some  of  the  shorter  prophecies,  now  incor- 
porated in  the  earlier  parts  of  Isaiah,  reflect  this  historical 

isa  21.  i-io  background,  and  give  expression  to  the  sentiment  of  the 

exiles  on  the  overthrow  of  Babylon.  One  of  these  prophe- 
cies describes  Elam  and  Media  coming  like  a  storm  upon 
Babylonia,  as  the  result  of  which  the  watchman  announces : 

Isa  13. 2  to  14. 23  "Fallen,  fallen  is  Babylon."  Another  prophecy  pictures 
Jehovah  stirring  up  the  Medes  to  execute  vengeance  upon 

jer  50. 2  to  51. 58  Babylon,  and  gloriously  exults  in  a  magnificent  ode  of 
triumph  over  fallen  Babylon.  A  third  prophecy,  now  in- 
corporated in  the  book  of  Jeremiah,  similarly  describes  the 
approaching  doom  of  Babylon  and  the  relief  it  is  to  bring 
to  captive  Israel.  The  appropriateness  with  which  these 
prophecies  apply  to  the  historical  background  of  these  later 
years  of  the  exile  is  the  best  justification  for  their  being 
regarded  as  having  originated  in  this  period. 

200.  The  Great  Prophet  of  the  Exile.    In  even  a  more 

1  Cylinder  of  Cyrus,  lines  20-24;  Rogers,  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, p.  382. 


THE  EXILE  229 

remarkable  manner  do  the  prophecies  contained  in  Isa  40 
to  55  fit  the  conditions  of  the  closing  years  of  the  exile.  ^^*  ^o  to  55 
This  collection  of  prophecies  is  a  comprehensive  message 
of  comfort  and  encouragement  to  the  exiled  people  of 
Jehovah,  consisting  of  the  announcement  of  its  speedy 
release.  The  keynote  of  the  entire  message  is  struck  in 
the  opening  words:  *' Com  fort  ye,  my  people,  and  say  to 
them  that  the  time  of  their  distress  is  passed."  If  in  their 
discouragement  and  hopelessness  they  think  that  it  is  vain 
to  look  for  their  restoration,  they  are  to  be  told  that 
Jehovah  with  almighty  power  stands  back  of  his  gracious 
purpose,  and  will  allow  none  to  frustrate  it.  He  has  chosen 
his  instrument  to  carry  out  his  purpose,  even  Cyrus  (41.  2f. ; 
45.  iff.;  46.  11),  whom  Jehovah  has  called  and  anointed, 
and  whom  he  loves  (48.  14),  and  to  whom  he  gives  the 
victory  over  Babylon,  that  he  may  set  free  Israel  and  build 
Jerusalem  and  the  temple  (44.  28;  45.  13).  Israel,  there- 
fore, need  no  longer  despair ;  Jehovah  their  God,  the  creator 
and  preserver  of  the  universe,  the  God  of  history  and 
prophecy,  will  not  permit  his  word  of  promise  to  return 
to  him  unfulfilled  (55.  11)  ;  he  has  chosen  and  loves  Israel 
and  will  never  forsake  it  (40.  27-31;  41.  8-16).  Israel  is 
Jehovah's  servant,  chosen  to  bring  light  to  the  Gentiles 
(42.  1-7)  ;  and  his  sufferings  will  ultimately  be  the  means 
of  bringing  salvation  to  the  world  (52.  13  to  53.  12). 

The  trend  of  the  thought  of  this  message  is  in  itself  the 
best  indication  as  to  its  origin.  Not  the  Isaiah  of  the  time 
of  Hezekiah  would  thus  speak,  but  one  who  himself  was 
a  witness  of  the  change  of  the  historical  conditions :  the 
Chaldeans  in  power ;  Jerusalem  in  ruins ;  Israel  in  captivity, 
believing  itself  forgotten  by  Jehovah,  and  Cyrus  on  the 
march  of  conquest.  In  this  time  of  stress  Jehovah,  as  he 
has  always  done,  raises  a  prophet  with  a  message  appro- 
priate to  the  existing  conditions.  Because  these  prophecies 
were  collected  with  those  bearing  the  name  of  Isaiah,  it 
was  long  believed  that  Isaiah  had  spoken  them  a  hundred 


230  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

and  fifty  years  ahead  of  their  time.  But  the  internal  evi- 
dence of  the  utterances,  consisting  of  three  independent 
lines  of  argument  drawn  from  the  historical  situation,  the 
literary  style,  and  the  religious  conceptions,  lead  to  the 
conclusion  that  they  were  the  message  of  some  great  un- 
named prophet  of  the  exile,  who  to  distinguish  him  from 
Isaiah  has  been  named  the  Second  or  Deutero-Isaiah.  The 
recognition  of  mistaken  authorship  and  time  does  not  de- 
tract from  but  enhances  their  religious  value. 

201.  The  Character  and  Message  of  Deutero-Isaiah. 
As  these  chapters  are  without  biographical  references,  we 
possess  no  information  on  the  person  of  the  prophet. 
Opinions  differ  as  to  whether  the  author  was  himself  an 
exile  in  Babylonia  or  a  resident  in  Palestine,  the  difference 
being  due  to  the  extent  his  geographical  allusions  are  in- 
terpreted as  viewed  from  one  or  the  other  country.  That 
he  was  a  man  of  great  tenderness  is  most  evident  from  the 
endearing  terms  he  frequently  uses  and  the  patient  con- 
stancy with  which  he  seeks  to  rouse  the  waning  spirit  of 
his  countrymen. 

Deutero-Isaiah  is  prophet  and  not  priest;  and  with  him 
prophetic  thought  reaches  its  height.  His  conception  of 
Jehovah  is  the  fullest  expression  of  absolute  monotheism. 
There  exists  no  other  God  but  Jehovah ;  he  is  the  first  and 
the  last;  and  he  cannot  give  his  glory  to  others  (42.  8; 
44.  8;  45.  5,  14,  18;  46.  9).  Jehovah  is  the  creator  of  the 
universe,  with  all  its  life  in  the  heavens  and  on  earth  (40.  22, 
26,  28;  43.  7;  44.  24;  45.  7,  12,  18;  48.  13)  ;  he  is  the  God 
of  universal  history  (41.  4;  45.  1-6),  and  the  God  of 
prophecy  (44.  7;  45.  11,  21;  46.  9),  forming  his  purposes, 
declaring  them  before  they  are  perceived,  and  working 
them  out  according  to  his  predetermined  will.  Besides  thus 
carrying  the  prophetic  teachings  of  his  predecessors  to 
their  logical  extremes,  Deutero-Isaiah  reiterates  other 
fundamental  Hebrew  ideas,  Jehovah's  justice  (45.  21); 
faithfulness  (46.  3)  ;  holiness  (40.  25;  43.  5)  ;  his  love  and 


THE  EXILE  231 

forgiveness  (43.  1-6;  54.  4-8),  uader  Hosea's  figure  of 
Israel  as  Jehovah's  wife;  and  even  adding  the  suggestion 
of  the  motherhood  of  God  (49.  15;  46.  3). 

More  distinctively  characteristic  of  Deutero-Isaiah  is  his 
conception  of  Israel  as  the  servant  of  Jehovah:  what  the 
prophets  are  to  Israel,  Israel  is  to  be  to  the  nations,  that  is, 
teachers  or  missionaries  of  the  one  true  religion.  To  this 
mission  Jehovah  has  called  Israel  and  anointed  him  with 
his  spirit  (42.  1-4;  44.  21;  49.  1-7;  50.  4-9;  51.  4)  as 
prophets  are  called  and  anointed.  The  religion  of  Israel 
thus  becomes  the  religion  of  the  world.  But  to  learn  its 
mission  Israel  had  to  pass  through  the  experience  of  the 
loss  of  its  national  existence,  through  its  death  life  is  to 
come  to  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and  Israel's  religion  will 
become  the  religion  of  the  world  (52.  13  to  53.  12). 

In  correspondence  with  the  conception  of  the  servant  of 
Jehovah  is  that  of  the  Messianic  kingdom.  It  is  the  idea 
of  a  universal  kingdom,  including  all  peoples,  coming  at 
the  end  of  a  world-process  and  concluding  the  history  of 
the  world.  Jerusalem  becomes  the  religious  center  of  the 
world:  light  and  law  stream  from  it  (51.  4)  and  the  far- 
thest peoples  come  to  it  to  worship  Jehovah  (45.  14).  The 
restoration  of  Israel  does  not,  therefore,  simply  concern 
itself,  but  is  a  part  of  the  conversion  of  the  world,  resulting 
in  every  knee  bowing  to  Jehovah,  and  every  tongue  confess- 
ing him  (45.  20-23;  42.  1-4).  The  conception  thus  reaches 
the  height  of  universalism ;  national  and  racial  barriers  are 
broken  down,  and  the  way  is  opened  for  the  universal 
brotherhood  of  man  (see  section  307). 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Read  the  Song  of  Moses  as  reflecting  Israel's  exiled  condition. 

2.  Consider   the   success  of   Cyrus  as   a  preparation   for   Israel's 
release. 

3.  Read  the  passages  relating  to  the  downfall  of  Babylon. 

4.  Read  Isa  40  to  55  with  the  aid  of  the  headings  and  consider 


232  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

the  appropriateness  of  the  messages  to  an  exiled  and  discouraged 
people. 

5.  Study  carefully  the  passages  embodying  Deutero-Isaiah's  con- 
ception of  God  and  particularly  his  conception  of  the  Servant  of 
Jehovah. 

5.   The  Religious  and  Social  Teachings  of  the 

Prophets 

202.  The  Prophet  as  a  Religious  and  Social  Force. 

The  prominence  of  the  prophet  as  a  religious  and  social 
leader  during  the  period  from  the  disruption  of  the  Hebrew 
kingdom  to  its  dissolution  justifies  clearly  that  it  be  called 
distinctively  the  period  of  the  prophets.  It  was  they  who 
saw  the  deeper  meaning  of  the  movement  of  their  times, 
who  by  their  warnings  sought  to  avert  the  coming  catas- 
trophe, and  when  it  had  come  brought  home  its  lessons 
and  saved  the  nation  from  total  extinction.  It  will  prove 
serviceable,  now  that  we  have  reached  the  end  of  this 
period,  to  take  a  survey  of  the  essential  elements  that  the 
prophets  have  contributed  to  the  religious  and  social  ideals 
which  constitute  the  permanent  contribution  to  the  highest 
welfare  of  the  world,  reaching  its  climax  in  the  teachings 
of  the  greatest  of  all  the  prophets,  the  Prophet  of  Nazareth. 

203.  The  Ethical  Monotheism  of  the  Prophets.  When 
the  conception  of  God  has  reached  its  highest  point  of 
development,  each  prophet  adding  some  element,  Jehovah 
has  come  to  be  recognized  as  an  ethical  and  spiritual 
personality,  the  creator  and  sustainer  of  the  universe,  hold- 
ing the  forces  of  nature  under  his  control,  and  dispensing 
them  with  moral  ends  in  view;  the  God  of  history,  taking 
an  interest  in  the  movements  of  the  nations  of  the  earth, 
and  using  them  as  instruments  for  mutual  moral  discipline ; 
the  God  of  righteousness  and  holiness,  visiting  the  viola- 
tions of  his  just  demands  with  punishments,  and  obedience 
with  rewards;  the  God  of  love,  ready  to  pity  and  forgive 
the  penitent;  and  the  God  of  providence,  having  in  view  the 


THE  EXILE  233 

purpose  of  an  all-embracing,  beneficent  kingdom,  wherein 
his  will  is  to  find  ready  and  hearty  compHance. 

204.  The  Moral  and  Spiritual  Nature  of  Religion.  It 
is  the  outgrowth  of  the  conception  of  God.  It  is  not  to 
consist  in  mere  formal  acts  of  ceremoniaHsm,  but  in  the 
fulfillment  of  moral  obligations  toward  one's  fellow  man. 

Doth  Jehovah  delight  in  offerings  and  sacrifices, 

As  in  obedience  to  the  voice  of  Jehovah? 

Behold,  obedience  is  better  than  sacrifice, 

And  to  hearken  than  the  fat  of  rams  (i  Sam  15.  22). 

What  unto  me  is  the  multitude  of  your  sacrifices^  saith  Jehovah: 
I  have  had  enough  of  the  burnt-offerings  of  rams,  and  the  fat  of 
fed  beasts;  and  I  delight  not  in  the  blood  of  bullocks,  or  of  lambs, 
or  of  he-goats.  When  ye  come  to  appear  before  me,  who  hath 
required  this  at  your  hand,  to  trample  my  courts?  Bring  no  more 
vain  oblations;  incense  is  an  abomination  unto  me;  new  moon 
and  sabbath,  the  calling  of  assemblies, — /  cannot  away  with  iniquity 
and  the  solemn  meeting.  Your  new  moons  and  your  appointed 
feasts  my  soul  hateth;  they  are  a  trouble  unto  me;  I  am  weary  of 
bearing  them.  And  when  ye  spread  forth  your  hands,  I  will  hide 
mine  eyes  from  you;  yea,  when  ye  make  many  prayers,  I  will  not 
hear:  your  hands  are  full  of  blood.  Wash  you,  make  you  clean; 
put  away  the  evil  of  your  doings  from  before  mine  eyes;  cease  to 
do  evil;  learn  to  do  well;  seek  justice,  relieve  the  oppressed,  judge 
the  fatherless,  plead  for  the  widow. 

Come  now,  and  let  us  reason  together,  saith  Jehovah:  though 
your  sins  be  as  scarlet,  they  shall  be  as  white  as  snow;  though 
they  be  red  like  crimson,  they  shall  be  as  wool  (Isa  i.  11-18;  Mic 
6,  6-8;  Hos  6.  6;  and  compare  Matt  9.  13;  12.  7). 

The  ethical  emphasis  in  the  prophets'  conception  of  reli- 
gion is  thus  unmistakably  strong,  and  of  like  character  is 
the  conception  of  the  spirituality  of  religion.  The  priest 
may  obtain  the  knowledge  of  the  divine  will  by  the  manipu- 
lation of  the  sacred  lot,  by  precedents,  or  by  written  law, 
but  the  prophet  received  it  directly  by  being  in  living  touch 
with  God;  he  is  conscious  of  Jehovah's  presence  and  the 
reality  of  his  divine  mission  and  message,  out  of  which 


234  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

comes  the  assurance  with  which  he  asserts,  "Thus  says 
Jehovah."  Rehgious  knowledge  comes  to  him  through  a 
divine  influence  upon  his  conscience  in  personal  experience 
by  which  he  sees  actions  and  events  in  their  true  moral 
and  religious  significance.  And  this  religious  experience 
and  knowledge  the  prophets  regard  as  the  normal  privilege 
of  every  individual;  and  they  look  forward  to  the  time 
when  each  individual  will  possess  a  divinely  enlightened 
conscience,  and  be  responsive  to  it,  so  that  it  will  no  longer 
be  necessary  to  teach  him  the  knowledge  of  God. 

But  this  is  the  covenant  that  I  will  make  with  the  house  of  Israel 
after  those  days,  saith  Jehovah:  I  will  put  my  law  in  their  inward 
parts,  and  in  their  heart  will  I  write  it;  and  I  will  be  their  God, 
and  they  shall  be  my  people.  And  they  shall  teach  no  more  every 
man  his  neighbor,  and  every  man  his  brother,  saying.  Know 
Jehovah;  for  they  shall  all  know  me,  from  the  least  of  them  unto 
the  greatest  of  them,  saith  Jehovah:  for  I  will  forgive  their  iniquity, 
and  their  sin  will  I  remember  no  more  (Jer  31.  33f.). 

205.  The  Social  and  Democratic  Ideals  of  the  Prophets. 

The  prophets  were  no  mere  theorists,  but  practical  men 
of  affairs,  and  they  sought  to  embody  their  ideals  in  a 
social  order  of  which  the  basis  was  to  be  true  democracy. 
Their  ideal  of  society  is  one  of  universal  good  will,  founded 
on  righteousness  and  lawful  endeavor.  The  citizens  of  the 
ideal  state  ''shall  beat  their  swords  into  ploughshares,  and 
their  spears  into  pruning  hooks;  nation  shall  not  lift  up 
sword  against  nation,  neither  shall  they  learn  war  any 
more,  but  they  shall  sit  every  man  under  his  vine  and  his 
fig  tree;  and  none  shall  make  them  afraid"  (Mic  4.  3f.). 
To  bring  to  realization  this  ideal,  the  prophets  attack  the 
social  vices  of  their  day  among  high  and  low  most  unspar- 
ingly ;  but  their  special  effort  is  directed  toward  the  defense 
of  the  rights  of  the  poor  and  oppressed  against  those  who 
in  their  avarice  "join  house  to  house,  that  lay  field  to  field, 
till  there  be  no  room"  for  the  common  man  (Isa  5.  8)  ; 
that  sell  the  "righteous  for  silver,  and  the  needy  for  the 


THE  EXILE  235 

pittance  of  a  pair  of  shoes";  that  thirst  so  for  more  landed 
wealth  that  they  "pant  after  the  dust  of  the  earth"  that 
had  settled  on  the  head  of  the  poor  (Amos  2.  6f.). 

But  the  prophet's  social  ideal  is  also  strictly  democratic. 
Herein  he  is  in  absolute  contrast  with  the  priest ;  he  knows 
no  class  distinctions.  **Would  that  all  Jehovah's  people 
were  prophets,  that  Jehovah  would  put  his  Spirit  upon 
them!"  (Num  11.  29).  There  were  no  priestesses  in  the 
Hebrew  religion,  but  there  were  prophetesses;  and  under 
the  prophetic  ideal  woman  loses  the  stigma  of  inferiority 
and  comes  to  her  full  rights.  In  like  manner  it  breaks 
down  all  other  artificial  barriers,  dividing  nations  and  indi- 
viduals into  hostile  camps;  and  thus  the  prophets  opened 
up  the  possibility  of  the  reahzation  of  the  universal  brother- 
hood of  man. 

206.  The  Optimism  of  the  Prophets.  Striking  as  is 
the  prophetic  announcement  of  the  evil  to  come  on  the 
nation,  just  as  striking  is  the  accompanying  note  of  a 
future  restoration.  We  may  take  as  the  classic  example 
of  this  optimism  Jeremiah's  symbolic  act  of  purchasing 
a  piece  of  land  in  his  native  town  of  Anathoth,  when 
every  indication  points  to  the  absolute  loss  of  land  values 
through  the  downfall  of  the  nation  by  the  hand  of  Nebu- 
chadrezzar. He  buys  in  view  of  values  not  seen  except 
by  faith ;  he  looks  beyond  the  dark  times  to  better  days 
to  come :  "Houses  and  fields  and  vineyards  shall  yet 
again  be  bought  in  this  land"   (Jer  32.  6-15). 

The  same  optimism  is  illustrated  in  Isaiah's  symbolic 
son  Shear-Jashub,  "A  remnant  shall  return"  (Isa  7.  3 ; 
compare  10.  2of),  or  Ezekiel's  symbolic  name  of  the 
future  Jerusalem :  Jehovah-Shammah,  "Jehovah  shall  be 
there"  (Ezek  48.  35)  ;  but  particularly  in  the  constantly 
recurring  Messianic  expectation,  the  great  hope  of 
Israel,  according  to  which  Jerusalem,  after  the  period 
of  discipline  by  suffering,  is  to  be  the  center  of  a  new 
order,  a  divine  kingdom,  in  which  a  Prince  of  the  line  of 


236  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

David  is  to  rule  in  righteousness  and  peace,  and  in  which 
all  the  nations  of  the  earth  shall  share  its  glory  and 
blessings  (Isa  9.  2-"]  \  Mic  5.  2-5;  Isa  11.  1-9;  Mic  4.  1-5; 
Jer  31.  1-9;  Isa  55.  1-5;  42.  1-4;  52.  13  to  53.  12). 

This  optimism,  which  sees  the  golden  age  not  in  the 
past  but  in  the  future,  gave  Israel  its  buoyancy  in  periods 
of  distress;  and  it  has  proven  itself  an  incentive  and  a 
source  of  strength  to  all  efforts  for  the  betterment  of 
the  world. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

General  Review  of  the  Period  of  the  Prophets 

1.  By  means  of  the  outline  in  the  Table  of  Contents  review : 
(i)  The  main  political  events  of  the  period. 

(2)   Each  of  the  prophets  in  the  order  of  his  historical  appear- 
ance. 

2.  Summarize    the    permanent    contributions    the    prophets    have 
made  to  the  moral,  social,  and  religious  ideals  relating  to 

(i)  The  conception  of  God. 

(2)  The  nature  of  religion, 

(3)  The  ideals  of  society. 

(4)  The  outlook  for  the  future. 

3.  Consider  to  what  extent  these  ideals  are  becoming  potent  in 

modern  society. 


PART  III 

THE  PERIOD  OF  THE  PRIESTS 
AND    SCRIBES 

FROM  CYRUS,  538  B.C.,  TO 
HEROD  I,  4  A.D. 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE  RESTORATION  OF  THE  JEWISH 
COMMUNITY 

(The  Persian  Period,  538-333  B.  C.) 

I.    The  Reawakening  of  the  Jewish  Community  in 
Palestine — Sheshbazzar 

207.  The  Persian  Rulers.  From  Cyrus  to  Alexander 
the  Great,  538-333  B.  C,  the  Jewish  community  was  for 
two  centuries  a  Persian  province,  whose  political  history 
was  closely  interwoven  with  that  of  Persia,  and  the  names 
of  its  rulers  are  often  mentioned  in  the  biblical  accounts. 
But  these  names  are  variously  transcribed  and  transmitted ; 
no  exact  distinction  is  made  between  kings  bearing  the 
same  name,  and  to  avoid  confusion  the  order  in  which  the 
reigns  followed  needs  to  be  well  noted. 

The  date  of  Cyrus's  conquest  of  Babylon  (538)  marks  the 
beginning  of  the  reawakening  of  the  Jewish  community  in 
Palestine.  The  reign  of  his  son  Cambyses  (530-522)  was 
marked  by  his  murder  of  his  brother  Smerdis  and  the  con- 
quest of  Egypt.  He  was  punished  for  the  murder  by  a 
Magian  priest,  who  as  a  pretender  of  his  murdered  brother 
(Pseudo-Smerdis)  succeeded  in  wresting  the  Persian  empire 
from  him  during  his  absence,  thus  leading  to  Cambyses'  sui- 
cide. Pseudo-Smerdis  was  killed  by  Darius  I  (Hystaspes) 
(522-486),  during  whose  long  reign  the  Jews  were  treated 
with  much  favor,  leading  to  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple  at 
Jerusalem.  His  successor,  Xerxes  (486-465),  is  known  in 
the  book  of  Esther  under  the  name  of  Ahasuerus;  and  its 

239 


240  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

description  of  the  king's  character  agrees  with  that  of 
classical  authors,  according  to  whom  he  was  an  effeminate, 
extravagant,  cruel,  and  capricious  despot.  During  the  reign 
of  his  son,  Artaxerxes  I  (Longimanus,  464-425),  Nehemiah 
became  governor  of  Judah.  He  is  described  as  a  good- 
hearted  but  weak  sovereign,  ruled  by  his  wives  and  favor- 
ites, an  account  which  agrees  with  what  we  learn  from 
Nehemiah.  He  was  followed  by  Xerxes  H,  whose  reign 
was  short.  His  successor  was  Darius  H  (Nothus,  425-404), 
whose  cruel  sister  and  consort  was  the  real  power  behind 
the  throne.  He  was  succeeded  by  Artaxerxes  H  (Mnemon, 
404-359),  who  was  a  mild  ruler  under  whom  Persia  de- 
clined. It  was  in  his  reign  that  Ezra  came  on  his  im- 
portant mission  to  Jerusalem.  During  the  reign  of  the 
energetic  but  cruel  and  murderous  Artaxerxes  III  (Ochus, 
359-336),  Persia  revived  again;  but  he  no  longer  pursued 
the  friendly  policy  of  his  predecessors  toward  the  Jews 
and  made  them  suffer  severely.  Bagoas,  an  Egyptian 
eunuch,  poisoned  the  king  at  a  time  when  Macedonia  was 
pressing  Persia,  and  placed  Arses  (339-336)  on  the  throne. 
When  the  king  tried  to  get  rid  of  his  patron  he  also  fell 
his  victim  by  poison  and  Bagoas  conferred  the  crown 
upon  Darius  III  (Codomannus,  336-333),  under  whom 
Persia  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  conqueror  Alexander  the 
Great. 

208.  The  Biblical  Sources.  The  main  source  for  this 
period  is  the  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah.  They  were 
originally  one  volume,  for  the  ancient  Hebrew  editors 
treated  them  as  one,  and  the  subject-matter  of  the  books 
is  the  same.  The  apocryphal  book.  First  Esdras,  is  a 
Greek  rescension  of  the  two  books  treated  as  one;  and  a 
comparison  between  the  two  rescensions  has  led  to  the 
recognition  of  the  value  of  First  Esdras  as  an  historical 
source.  It  not  only  contains  valuable  additional  material, 
but  its  arrangement  is  superior.  There  are  good  reasons 
for  holding  to  its  priority  over  the  canonical  books;  and 


JEWISH  COMMUNITY  RESTORED  241 

in  the  necessary  rearrangement  of  the  material  for  his- 
torical purposes,  it  renders,  as  will  appear,  a  very  useful 
service. 

The  book  Ezra-Nehemiah  as  a  whole  was  the  work  of 
the  Chronicler,  who  did  not  write  before  the  Greek  period, 
and  thus  lived  about  two  centuries  after  the  time  with 
which  he  deals.  A  recent  close  examination  has  revealed 
that  the  material  which  the  author  employed  was  not  used 
with  historical  precision,  leading  to  anachronisms  and  some 
confusion  of  events.  As  the  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah 
in  their  present  form  give  it,  the  historical  sequence  of 
events  was  the  following.  The  edict  of  Cyrus  brings  about 
a  return  of  the  Jews  to  Palestine,  numbering  about  fifty 
thousand.  Under  the  leadership  of  Jeshua  and  Zerubbabel, 
the  altar  is  built  and  the  foundations  of  the  temple  laid; 
but  the  work  is  interrupted  for  a  while,  and  is  finally  com- 
pleted in  the  reign  of  Darius,  when  the  temple  is  dedicated 
(Ezra  I  to  6).  In  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes,  Ezra  comes 
to  Jerusalem,  bringing  with  him  another  large  number  of 
exiles  (chs.  7,  8).  Ezra  discovers  that  the  community  has 
entered  extensively  into  mixed  marriage  relations  with  the 
neighbors  of  the  Jews ;  and  he  prevails  on  them  to  separate 
themselves  from  their  foreign  wives  (chs.  9,  10).  Still  in 
the  reign  of  Artaxerxes,  Nehemiah  appears  in  Jerusalem; 
and  in  spite  of  the  hindrances  laid  in  his  way  by  the  enemies 
of  the  Jews,  succeeds  in  building  the  walls  of  Jerusalem 
(Neh  I  to  6).  Ezra  now  reads  the  Law  to  the  people  and 
they  enter  into  a  solemn  covenant  to  keep  it  (chs.  8  to  10). 
The  wall  is  dedicated,  and  the  Law  is  enforced  in  various 
details  (chs.  12,  13). 

That  such  might  have  been  the  order  of  events  is  not 
intrinsically  impossible;  the  difficulty  in  accepting  it,  how- 
ever, is  that  it  conflicts  with  the  conditions  of  the  com- 
munity as  depicted  by  the  contemporaneous  prophets  Haggai 
and  Zechariah,  as  well  as  with  the  data  furnished  by  the 
Chronicler   in  the  documents   which  he  has   incorporated 


242  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

in  his  account,  for  it  is  to  be  noted  that:  i.  Ezra  4.  8-23 
has  nothing  to  do  with  the  building  of  the  temple;  but  is 
an  Aramaic  document  relating  to  the  building  of  the  walls 
of  Jerusalem  (compare  vv.  i3f.;  16),  in  the  time  of  Nehe- 
miah  (compare  Neh  1.3),  about  seventy  years  later,  that  is, 
in  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  1.  2.  The  list  of  names  in 
Ezra  2.  1-58,  which  is  also  found  in  Neh  7.  6-60,  and  in 
I  Esdras  5.  7-35,  apparently  gives  those  who  returned  in 
the  time  of  Cyrus,  but  virtually  it  covers  a  series  of  returns, 
under  various  leaders,  as  Nehemiah,  Ezra,  and  others,  bear- 
ing Persian  names,  and  extending  through  the  first  century 
of  the  Persian  period,  as  is  evident  from  the  place  names 
which  are  those  of  settled  communities  in  Judah  (confer 
Neh  II.  25f¥.).  3.  In  the  Aramaic  document  (Ezra  5.  3 
to  6.  18)  it  is  Sheshbazzar  who  is  the  first  governor  of 
the  Jewish  community  (5.  14,  16)  ;  but  in  the  Chronicler's 
account  it  is  Zerubbabel  who  appears  as  the  first  governor 
(2.  2;  3.  2-13;  4.  1-3)  ;  this  has  led  to  the  supposition  that 
the  two  were  identical  persons  under  two  different  names ; 
but,  in  view  of  other  instances,  it  is  more  probable  that  it 
is  one  of  the  confusions  of  the  Chronicler.  4.  From  the 
prophetical  writings  of  Haggai  and  Zechariah,  we  must 
gather  the  impression  that  the  beginnings  of  the  com- 
munity were  very  humble;  that  while  there  were  some  re- 
enforcements  from  Babylonia,  they  were  not  sufficiently 
extensive  to  be  noted  by  these  prophets,  who  speak  of 
these  first  efforts  as  those  of  ''the  people  of  the  land"  (Hag 
2.  4;  Zech  7.  5),  or  as  "the  people  who  have  been  left," 
or  "remnant  of  the  people"  (Hag  i.  12,  14;  2.  2;  Zech 
8.  6,  I  if.);  but  this  is  inconsistent  with  the  great  exodus 
from  Babylon,  numbering  fifty  thousand,  and  coming  with 
rich  presents,  as  the  Chronicler  pictures  it;  and  this  dis- 
crepancy is  accounted  for  by  taking  it  as  another  instance 
of  confusing  later  conditions  with  earlier. 

These  instances  may  suffice  to  point  out  how  to  use  the 
Chronicler's  accounts.     He  was  a  theologian  rather  than 


JEWISH  COMMUNITY  RESTORED  243 

a  historian;  and  in  his  treatment  of  the  period  of  the 
restoration  he  puts  the  ecclesiastical  aspects  in  the  front, 
and  shows  less  regard  for  the  political  aspects.  But  there 
is  no  need  for  going  to  the  extreme  of  regarding  his 
accounts  as  mere  fiction,  as  has  recently  been  done  by  some 
eminent  biblical  scholars.  The  Chronicler  drew  upon  good 
material ;  he  lived  nearer  the  time  with  which  he  here  deals ; 
and  there  was  less  reason  for  his  inventing  situations;  and 
we  have  thus  good  reasons  for  regarding  his  account  as 
resting  upon  a  substantial  basis  of  history. 

As  already  suggested,  the  prophetic  writings  of  Haggai 
and  Zechariah  are  sources  of  history  for  this  period,  to 
which  must  be  added  also  the  book  of  Malachi,  Isa  56 
to  66,  and  the  book  of  Joel.  In  Zechariah  we  distinguish 
chs.  I  to  8  from  9  to  14,  the  latter  belonging  to  a  later 
period.  Like  most  of  the  prophetic  writings,  they  are  of 
exceptional  value  for  the  light  they  throw  upon  contem- 
poraneous events.  The  books  of  Ruth  and  Jonah  reflect 
the  thought  of  this  time;  and  the  Priests'  Code  (P)  and  the 
earlier  elements  of  the  Psalter,  give  us  valuable  glimpses  into 
the  ecclesiastical  ideals  and  the  inner  life  of  the  Jewish 
community. 

209.  The  Edict  of  Cyrus.  The  Chronicler  tells  us  that  Ezrai; 
in  the  first  year  of  his  reign,  which  must  mean  as  king  of  i  Esdras  2. 1-14 
Babylon,  Cyrus  issued  a  decree  ordering  the  return  of  the 
captive  Jews  to  Jerusalem  to  rebuild  the  temple,  and  urging 
the  offering  of  gifts  for  this  purpose;  and  that  Cyrus  him- 
self set  the  example  of  generosity  by  opening  the  treasures 
of  Babylon,  and  returning  the  precious  vessels  of  the  temple 
of  Jehovah  which  had  been  carried  off  as  booty  by  Nebu- 
chadrezzar. Although  the  wording  of  the  decree  is  strongly 
Jewish,  the  evidences  of  Cyrus's  policy  as  a  conqueror 
which  the  inscriptions  furnish  confirm  its  general  historical 
character.  He  treated  the  peoples  which  he  conquered  with 
leniency  and  friendliness,  seeking  to  make  them  his  friends ; 
he  purposely  reversed  the  Assyrian  and  Babylonian  policies. 


244  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

and  allowed  those  whom  they  had  cruelly  driven  from 
their  countries  to  return  and  rebuild  the  ruined  temples 
and  cities. 

.  .  .  the  cities  on  the  other  side  of  the  Tigris,  whose  sites  were 
of  ancient  foundation — the  gods,  who  dwelt  in  them,  I  brought  them 
back  to  their  places,  and  caused  them  to  dwell  in  their  habitation 
for  all  time.  All  their  inhabitants  I  collected  and  restored  them 
to  their  dwelling  places.  And  the  gods  of  Shumer  and  Akkad, 
whom  Nabonidus,  to  the  anger  of  the  Lord  of  the  gods,  had  brought 
into  Babylon,  by  command  of  Marduk,  the  great  lord,  I  caused 
them  peacefully  to  take  up  their  dwelling  in  habitations  that  re- 
joiced the  heart.^ 

These  words  of  Cyrus  make  it  clear  that  the  Jews  but 
shared  the  good  fortune  of  his  generous  policy  with  other 
conquered  nations;  and  that  he  treated  the  temple  of 
Jehovah  like  the  temples  of  other  gods. 

The  name  of  the  leader  of  the  first  return  is  given  as 
Sheshbazzar,  but  we  are  not  told  who  he  was.  As  has 
already  been  said,  it  is  not  probable  that  he  was  identical 
with  Zerubbabel.  It  is  more  probable  that  he  is  identical 
with  Shenazzar  (i  Chron  3.  18),  a  son  of  the  captive  King 
Jehoiachin,  and  uncle  of  Zerubbabel.  He  was  thus  of  the 
royal  house  of  David;  his  father  had  been  liberated  and 
treated  with  royal  favor  in  561  by  Evil-Merodach  (2  Kings 
25.  27-30)  ;  he  himself  must  have  shared  the  royal  dignity 
during  the  remainder  of  the  exile;  and  he  would  now 
naturally  be  chosen  as  the  leading  Jewish  representative. 

How  extensive  the  return  was  under  Sheshbazzar  we 
have  no  means  of  telling;  that  he  was  accompanied  by 
some  enthusiastic  patriots  of  the  poorer  class  is  most  prob- 
able. Neither  do  we  know  what  was  accomplished;  but 
that  it  could  not  have  been  much  is  clear  from  what  needed 
to  be  done  subsequently.  How  long  he  acted  as  governor 
and  the  cause  of  his  removal  are  also  not  known.  But 
this    return    was    nevertheless    the    inauguration,    however 

1  See  Rogers,  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old  Testament,  p.  383. 


JEWISH  COMMUNITY  RESTORED  245 

humble,  of  the  general  movement  of  return  from  the  exile. 
The  Chronicler  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  edict 
of  Cyrus  was  in  fulfillment  of  the  prophecy  of  Jeremiah 
according  to  which  the  exile  should  last  seventy  years 
(confer  2  Chron  36.  2if. ;  Ezra  i.  i;  Jer  25.  12;  29.  10). 
To  find  the  period  ending  with  the  edict  of  Cyrus  that 
exactly  covers  seventy  years  is  not  possible,  for  from  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem  in  586  to  Cyrus  538  is  but  forty- 
eight  years,  and  counting  from  the  first  deportation  in  597,  it 
is  but  fifty-nine  years.  But  this  proves  a  serious  difficulty 
only  to  those  who  hold  a  mechanical  view  of  inspiration. 
What  is  of  far  more  religious  value  is  that  the  Chronicler 
rightly  sees  what  the  great  prophet  of  the  exile  also  had 
seen — that  the  hand  of  Jehovah  was  in  the  movement 
represented  by  Cyrus,  and  that  it  was  designed  to  carry  out 
the  purposes  of  God  (Isa  41.  2f.,  25;  44.  28;  45.  i). 

Why  Sheshbazzar  had  not  succeeded  in  accomplishing 
the  mission  of  rebuilding  the  temple  for  which  he  had  been 
sent  to  Jerusalem  we  can  only  surmise  from  various  hints 
in  the  accounts.  The  native  Jewish  population  was  poor; 
they  were  harassed  by  jealous  neighbors,  and  those  who 
had  come  from  Babylon  were  not  numerous  nor  influential 
enough  to  overcome  the  obstacles ;  but  he  prepared  the  way 
for  the  second  effort  which  was  to  be  more  successful. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Note  well  the  order  of  the  Persian  rulers  and  their  relation  to 
the  Jewish  community. 

2.  Note  the  main  outline  of  events  in  the  present  order  of  the 
books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 

3.  Compare  carefully  the  passages  that  seem  to  indicate  that  the 
material  has  become  misplaced  and  account  for  it. 

4.  Read  the  passages  relating  to  the  edict  of  Cyrus.  Look  up  the 
reference  to  Rogers,  Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old  Testament,  and 
view  the  edict  in  the  light  of  Cyrus'  policy, 

5.  Consider  the  length  of  the  Babylonian  captivity  and  the  extent 
of  the  return  under  Sheshbazzar. 


246  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

2.    The  Rebuilding  of  the  Temple — Zerubbabel 

Ezra  2.  70  to  4. 3;       210.    The    Rebuilding   of  the   Temple.     The   biblical 
4.  24b  to  6. 18;      accounts  in  their  present   form  make  the  impression  that 

I  Esdras  4.  42  to 

s.  6  the  foundations  of  the  temple  were  laid  by  Sheshbazzar, 

and  that  after  an  interval  of  sixteen  years  the  building  was 
completed  in  the  reign  of  Darius  I.  But  the  contemporary 
prophet  Zechariah  (4.  9)  declares,  "The  hands  of  Zerubbabel 
have  laid  the  foundations  of  this  house;  his  hands  shall 
also  finish  it" ;  and,  as  we  have  seen  that  the  identification 
of  Sheshbazzar  and  Zerubbabel  is  not  allowable,  we  must 
conclude  that  the  Chronicler,  either  because  he  has  confused 
the  two,  or  because  he  cannot  conceive  how  the  first  expe- 
dition could  have  been  so  derelict  in  its  duty  to  carry  out 
the  commission  of  building  the  temple,  ascribed  to  Shesh- 
bazzar what  was  really  done  by  Zerubbabel.  When  these 
passages  are  read  from  the  point  of  view  that  they  give  an 
account  of  an  effort  of  a  second  expedition  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Zerubbabel  and  Jeshua  in  the  reign  of  Darius  I, 
they  give  a  consistent  and  clear  sense.  It  was  in  this  manner 
that  the  events  were  understood  by  the  writer  of  First 
Esdras  and  by  Josephus  (Antiquities,  xi,  4.  1-3),  who  states 
in  reference  to  some  details  ''that  was  what  Cyrus  had 
commanded  at  first,  and  what  was  now  done  at  the  com- 
mand of  Darius."  ^ 

During  the  interval  of  sixteen  years  between  the  edict  of 
Cyrus  and  the  accession  of  Darius,  the  conditions  of  the 
Jewish  community  in  Palestine  improved  sufficiently  to  en- 
courage undertaking  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple  (Hag 
1.4).  The  governor  of  the  community  now  was  Zerubbabel, 
whose  Babylonian  name,  "seed  of  Babylon,"  points  clearly 
to  his  birth  in  exile ;  and  he  was  like  his  predecessor  Shesh- 
bazzar of  the  royal  line  of  David.  Associated  with  him  is 
Jeshua,  or  Joshua,  the  high  priest,  the  two  representing  the 
civil  and  rehgious  leadership  of  the  community,  having  come 

2  For  a  full  discussion,  see  the  Introduction  to  Batten's  International  Critical  Com- 
mentary on  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. 


JEWISH  COMMUNITY  RESTORED  247 

from  Babylon  with  reenforcements,  and  bringing  with  them 
a  new  enthusiasm  for  the  revival  of  the  community. 

The   combined   effort   of   these   leaders   resulted   in   the   Ezra  3. 1-6 
erection  of  the  altar  on  its  ancient  site,  making  possible 
the  resumption  of  the  daily  sacrifices,  and  marking  the  first 
step  in  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple. 

211.  The  Prophet  Haggai.  But  the  progress  was 
slow,  and  it  required  another  kind  of  stimulus  to  arouse  the 
community  to  action.  It  came,  as  in  so  many  former  times, 
in  the  chiding  and  encouraging  tones  of  the  voice  of  the 
Hebrew  prophets. 

Haggai  was  one  of  these  prophets;  and  his  message  is  a  Hagi.  itoa. 9 
summons  to  build  the  temple.  We  have  no  direct  informa- 
tion concerning  his  person ;  from  the  manner  in  which  he 
speaks  of  the  priests  (2.  11-13)  it  has  been  inferred  that  he 
was  a  layman,  and  as  his  name  is  not  in  the  list  of  those 
who  have  returned,  he  has  been  considered  a  native  of 
Palestine.  His  ringing  call  is :  'Tt  is  time  to  build  the  house 
of  Jehovah!  How  can  you  dwell  in  contentment  in  your 
ceiled  houses,  while  the  temple  lies  still  in  ruins?  Instead 
of  wailing  for  more  prosperous  times,  build  Jehovah's 
house,  and  the  action  will  bring  you  prosperity."  And 
vv'hen  his  energetic  words  begin  to  take  effect  he  assumes 
a  more  encouraging  tone,  and  promises  Jehovah's  assistance 
in  the  undertaking,  and  as  a  reward  the  superior  glory  of 
the  temple  to  be  built. 

212.  The  Laying  of  the  Foundations  of  the  Temple.   Ezra  3. 8-13 
At  last  the  community  was  aroused  to  action ;  the  founda- 
tions of  the  temple  were  laid  and  with  mingled  emotions 
dedicated. 

The  progress  so  far  made  furnishes  to  Haggai  the  occa-  Hag  2. 10-23 
sion  to  deliver  a  twofold  message  of  encouragement.  The 
rising  foundations  of  the  sacred  edifice  are  the  symbol 
and  promise  of  the  removal  of  the  community's  defilement 
and  of  the  return  of  Jehovah's  favor;  and  out  of  the  political 
commotions,    in    which    kingdoms    and    thrones    are    over- 


6.  i8 


248  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

thrown,  suggested  by  the  Persian  uprisings  quelled  by 
Darius,  Zerubbabel,  the  community's  governor  and  scion  of 
David,  shall  become  Jehovah's  representative. 

Ezra  4- 1-3  When  the  Samaritans  saw  the  good  work  progress  they 

proffered  their  aid,  claiming  to  be  Jewish  coreligionists. 
But  the  priestly  spirit  could  not  tolerate  such  an  alliance, 
and  the  offer  was  refused. 

According  to  Hag  i.  i,  the  building  of  the  temple  began 
in  the  second  year  of  Darius,  that  is,  520  B.  C. ;  and  accord- 
ing to  Ezra  6.  15,  it  was  completed  in  the  sixth  year  of  that 
reign,  516  B.  C.  The  biblical  accounts  of  the  progress  of 
the  building  have  become  confused  by  the  insertion  of  some 
matter  that  relates  to  the  building  of  the  walls  (Ezra  4.  4- 
24a),  as  already  pointed  out. 

Ezra  4.  24b  to  According  to  the  Aramaic  account  of  the  building  of  the 

temple  in  Ezra  4.  24b  to  6.  18,  an  interruption  occurred, 
brought  about  by  the  interference  of  some  Persian  officials, 
who  appealed  to  Darius,  but  the  appeal  resulted  favorably 
to  the  enterprise.  In  its  present  form  the  account  conveys 
the  information  that  it  was  Sheshbazzar  who  laid  the  foun- 
dations of  the  temple,  and  that  the  interruption  lasted  six- 
teen years.  But  it  has  been  shown  that  such  a  view  is 
untenable ;  and  the  correspondence  in  an  earlier  form  prob- 
ably related  to  an  interruption  in  the  time  of  Darius.  But 
that  it  could  not  have  been  very  long  is  clear  from  the  fact 
that  even  without  it  the  time  allowed  for  the  building  of 
the  temple  is  only  about  four  years,  which,  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  it  took  for  the  building  of  Solomon's  temple  seven 
years,  is  rather  short. 

213.  The  Prophet  Zechariah.  It  was  during  the  period 
of  the  building  of  the  temple  that  another  prophet  minis- 
tered to  the  community — Zechariah.  As  the  names  of  his 
ancestors  appear  in  the  list  of  Levites  (Neh  12.  4,  16),  the 
prophet  must  have  been  of  priestly  family;  but  that  is  all 
that  we  know  of  his  personal  life.  His  message,  like  Hag- 
gai's,   concerns   the   undertaking  of   absorbing   interest   to 


JEWISH  COMMUNITY  RESTORED  249 

the  people,  the  building  of  the  temple,  but  in  its  form  Is  far 
more  elaborate  and  full  of  symbolism,  anticipating  the 
apocalyptic  style  of  a  later  time. 

Zechariah  shares  with  Haggai  the  Messianic  expectation 
awakened  by  the  reviving  of  the  community ;  but  it  becomes 
with  him  more  pronounced  and  intensified ;  and  the  central 
thought  of  his  message  is  that  the  new  temple  will  become 
the  center  of  a  new  era,  the  Messianic  age.  The  political 
conditions  of  the  times  might  easily  lend  themselves  to  an 
interpretation  that  would  encourage  such  hopes.  It  was  the 
period  in  Persian  history  covered  by  the  revolutionary 
reign  of  Pseudo-Smerdis,  characterized  by  revolts  all  over 
the  empire.  It  was  natural  that  it  should  bring  to  the 
patriotic  enthusiasts  of  the  struggling  Jewish  community 
the  hope  that  their  deliverance  and  renewed  prosperity  was 
at  hand.  This  is  the  thought  which  Zechariah  conveys  to 
his  flock  in  a  series  of  visions  and  symbolic  acts,  interpreted 
by  him  also  in  more  direct  and  intelligible  form. 

In  a  series  of  eight  visions  the  prophet  announces  that  Zech  i.  7  to  6.  8 
with  the  help  of  God  all  obstacles  will  be  overcome.  The 
period  of  commotion  to  which  Haggai  (2.  6,  2 if.)  refers 
is  over,  and  "the  earth  is  still  and  at  rest"  (Zech  i.  11)  ; 
that  is,  Darius  had  succeeded  in  restoring  order  in  the 
empire.  But  Jehovah's  returning  favor  to  Zion  is  still  the 
same:  Jerusalem  is  to  be  rebuilt  (i.  7-17);  preparations 
are  in  progress  by  which  the  powers  that  have  scattered 
Israel  will  be  broken  (vv.  18-21)  ;  Jerusalem  will  be  built, 
but  it  will  need  no  other  walls  than  Jehovah's  protection, 
and  it  will  have  room  for  limitless  expansion  as  the  home 
of  the  nations  (ch.  2)  ;  the  guilt  that  brought  the  exile  will 
now  be  removed,  and  the  Davidic  royalty  and  the  priest- 
hood reestablished  (ch.  3)  ;  Jehovah  will  provide  the  supply 
for  the  future  maintenance  of  both  royalty  and  priesthood 
(4.  I -6a,  iob-14)  ;  and  Zerubbabel  shall  finish  the  building 
of  the  temple  which  he  began  (4;  6b-ioa)  ;  the  curse  of 
punishment    for   social   wrongs   shall    fall   only   upon   the 


250  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

guilty  (5.  1-4)  ;  sin  shall  be  banished  from  the  land  (vv.  5- 
11)  ;  and  the  nation  in  the  north  country  (that  is,  Persia) 
which  holds  Israel  in  its  power  shall  be  visited  with  Jeho- 
vah's vengeance  (6.  1-8).  From  the  silver  and  gold  which 
a  deputation  from  Babylon  has  just  brought,  the  prophet 
is  to  make  a  crown  and  set  it  upon  the  head  of  the  "Branch," 
that  is,  the  branch  of  David  (Isa  11.  i ;  Jer  23.  5;  33.  15), 
Zerubbabel,  and  not  Joshua,  as  the  present  text  reads, 
symbolizing  in  most  concrete  form  the  restoration  of  the 
monarchy.  The  present  text  of  this  passage  has  been 
emended  under  the  influence  of  priestly  ideals,  and  the 
name  of  Joshua  the  high  priest  has  been  substituted  for 
Zerubbabel,  and  two  crowns  for  one,  which  has  confused 
the  text  (6.  9-15),  but  we  may  still  discern  the  Messianic 
hope  of  the  times  reflected  therein.  A  question  about  fasting 
Zechariah  answers  in  a  true  prophetic  spirit :  that  Jehovah 
is  less  concerned  in  matters  of  eating  or  not  eating  than  in 
social  righteousness  (ch.  7).  He  closes  with  a  most  mag- 
nificent prospect  of  future  Jerusalem:  It  will  be  ''the  city 
of  truth" ;  its  streets  will  be  full  of  joyous  old  and  young 
people;  prosperity  and  peace  will  dwell  therein;  fasts  will 
be  turned  into  feasts;  it  will  be  the  rallying  place  of  the 
nations  of  the  earth;  and  ten  men,  out  of  the  various 
languages  of  the  nations,  will  even  take  hold  of  the  skirt 
of  him  that  is  a  Jew,  saying,  "We  will  go  with  you,  for  we 
have  heard  that  God  is  with  you"  (ch.  8).  Zech  9  to  14 
belong  to  a  later  time  (compare  Section  246). 
Isa  60  to  62:  66.  Some  fragments  of  prophecy  now  incorporated  in  the 
Isaianic  collection  are  similarly  optimistic  in  tone  and  out- 
look. That  they  belong  to  this  period  is  made  probable 
by  the  fact  that  they  reflect  the  conditions  of  the  com- 
munity when  the  temple  was  newly  erected  (60.  13),  but 
the  walls  not  yet  built  (60.  10).  Jerusalem  is  to  become 
the  light  and  treasure-house  of  the  world,  and  be  no  longer 
a  forsaken  city  (60  to  62)  ;  the  incredible  thing,  that  a  land 
and  nation   should  be  born  in  a  day,   will  find  its  most 


6-16 


JEWISH  COMMUNITY  RESTORED  251 

glorious  illustration  in  Jerusalem,  when  they  shall  bring 
back  the  exiles  out  of  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  (66.  7-17). 

214.  The  Dedication  of  the  Temple.     After  four  years   Ezra  6. 14-22 
of  struggling  effort  the  temple  was  completed  in  the  sixth 

year  of  Darius,  516  B.  C. ;  and  it  was  appropriately  dedi- 
cated with  offerings  and  the  celebration  of  the  Passover. 
We  have  no  information  of  the  dimensions  of  the  building 
nor  of  its  general  structure ;  the  only  glimpses  we  get  are 
indicative  of  its  rather  humble  character  (Ezra  3.  12;  Hag 
2.  3).  It  is  evident  that  its  dedication  did  not  bring  the 
Messianic  age.  Whether  Zerubbabel  was  ever  really 
crowned  king  we  do  not  know.  After  the  incident  con- 
nected with  the  making  of  the  crown  he  is  no  more  heard 
of;  and  with  him  disappears  from  Old  Testament  history 
the  dynasty  of   David. 

215.  The  Condition  of  the  Jewish  Community.  From 
the  completion  of  the  temple  to  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes — 
that  is,  the  remainder  of  the  long  reign  of  Darius,  the 
reign  of  Zerxes,  and  part  of  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes,  a 
period  of  about  seventy  years — we  are  left  without  informa- 
tion in  the  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  concerning  the 
condition  of  the  Jewish  community  in  Palestine.  But  the 
gap  is  somewhat  filled  up  by  what  we  may  gather  from  some 
prophetic  utterances  that  most  probably  fall  within  this 
period,  the  book  of  Malachi  and  Isa  56-59.  The  book  of 
Esther,  which  professedly  deals  with  the  period  of  Xerxes, 
even  if  it  were  of  value  as  a  historical  source,  throws  but 
an  indirect  light  upon  the  conditions  in  Palestine.  That  a 
Haman  could  plan  such  degradation  and  total  destruction  of 
the  Jewish  race,  averted  only  by  the  capricious  despotism 
of  the  monarch,  would  imply  that  their  condition  through- 
out the  Persian  empire  was  far  from  favorable ;  and  the 
picture  that  we  get  from  the  report  that  comes  to  Nehemiah 
(l.  3)  confirms  the  impression  that  their  condition  in 
Palestine  was  most  deplorable.  Not  only  had  the  Messianic 
expectations  not  materialized,  but  they  did  not  possess  even 


252  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

ordinary  prosperity.  Their  harvests  failed  them  (Mai  3. 
11),  their  taxes  were  heavy  (Neh  5.  4),  and  the  Persian 
wars  with  the  Greeks,  Marathon  and  Salamis,  no  doubt 
sapped  their  strength.  Social  injustice  was  rampant; 
property  was  sold,  and  even  children  were  sold  into  slavery 
to  meet  the  demand  of  cruel  creditors  (Neh  5.  1-5),  and 
foreign  and  younger  women  forced  legitimate  wives  from 
their  homes  (Mai.  2.  11,  14-16).  Faith  in  God  gave  way, 
and  skepticism  declared:  'Tt  is  vain  to  serve  God"  (Mai 
3.  14)  ;  the  moral  law  had  no  force  (Mai  3.  5)  ;  and  the 
religious  service  was  rendered  with  indifference  and 
hypocrisy  (Mai  i.  yi.,  I3f. ;  3.  8-10). 

216.  The  Book  of  Malachi.  The  community  v^as  thus 
facing  a  crisis,  when  a  prophetic  messenger  appeared,  who 
has  left  no  other  name  behind  than  Malachi,  "My  Mes- 
senger" (3.  i)  ;  but  his  message  is  a  trenchant  arraignment 
of  the  existing  evils  and  the  announcement  of  the  judg- 
ment to  come.  The  neglect  of  the  divine  service,  for  which 
the  priests  are  mainly  responsible,  causes  the  profanation 
of  the  name  of  Jehovah  even  among  the  Gentiles ;  and 
Jehovah  will  visit  the  sin  upon  them  (i.  i  to  2.  9);  the 
intermarriage  with  foreign  wives  is  not  only  unjust  but 
sacrilegious,  and  Jehovah  hates  divorces  (2.  10-16)  ;  Jehovah 
will  send  his  angel  before  him,  and  soon  he  himself  will 
come  for  judgment  upon  those  who  practice  social  and 
religious  wrongs  (2.  17  to  3.  5)  ;  pardon  and  rich  blessings 
await  those  who  change  their  conduct  (3.  6-12),  and  ulti- 
mately it  will  appear  that  there  is  a  difference  ''between  the 
righteous  and  the  wicked,  between  him  that  serveth  God 
and  him  that  serveth  him  not" :  the  wicked  will  perish, 
"but  unto  you  that  fear  my  name  shall  the  sun  of  righteous- 
ness arise  with  healing  in  his  wings"  (3.  13  to  4.  6). 
isa56to59  217.   Isaiah  56  to  59.    A  similar  arraignment  of  social 

and  religious  evils  and  the  announcement  of  Jehovah's 
impending  judgment,  fitting  this  period,  has  been  preserved 
ill  these  chapters  of  Isaiah.    The  temple  service  appears  to 


JEWISH  COMMUNITY  RESTORED  253 

be  in  progress,  and  the  daily  offerings  presented,  but  the 
walls  are  still  in  ruins  (58.  2,  12).  The  leaders  of  the 
community  are  selfish  and  greedy  (56.  9  to  57.  2)  ;  among 
the  despised  Samaritans  obscene  religious  rites  are  in  full 
practice  (57.  3-i3a)  ;  in  the  Jewish  community  a  faithful 
ritual  observance  is  accompanied  by  quarrels  and  oppression 
of  the  poor  (58.  1-12)  ;  Jehovah  will  no  longer  witness  this 
rank  injustice,  but  champion  the  cause  of  the  innocent 
sufferers  (ch.  59)  ;  he  will  reward  the  faithful  with  peace 
and  prosperity  (57.  I3b-2i)  and  multiply  those  that  keep 
his  law  and  observe  his  Sabbath  (58.  I3f.)j  even  if  they 
should  be  foreigners  or  eunuchs  (56.  1-8). 

It  appears,  then,  that  this  first  stage  of  the  restoration 
of  the  Jewish  community  was  very  far  from  fulfilling  the 
anticipations  of  the  Great  Prophet  of  the  exile  or  of  those 
associated  with  it.  Cyrus  could  proclaim  their  liberty  to 
return,  but  he  could  not  persuade  those  who  were  com- 
fortable in  their  exile  to  leave  it  for  conditions  likely  to  be 
fraught  with  privations  and  hardships.  The  few  enthusi- 
asts found  themselves  baffled  by  the  many  obstacles,  and  in 
spite  of  their  tireless  zeal  accomplished  but  little.  But 
fortunately  there  were  still,  both  in  Jerusalem  and  in  distant 
Babylon,  hearts  that  were  warm  with  love  for  their  desolate 
fatherland  to  make  a  renewed  effort  for  its  restoration. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Read  the  passages  relating  to  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple  and 
consider  the  most  probable  order  of  events. 

2.  Read  the  summons  of  the  prophet  Haggai  to  build  the  temple 
with  the  aid  of  the  headings  in  your  Bible. 

3.  Read  the  passages  relating  to  the  laying  of  the  foundation  of 
the  temple  and  note  the  lethargy  of  the  community  and  the  offer 
of  the  Samaritans. 

4.  Consider  the  activity  of  the  prophet  Zechariah  and  study  the 
meaning  of  his  messages  conveyed  in  the  form  of  visions. 

5.  Read  the  passages  in  Isaiah  and  consider  whether  they  do  not 
reflect  the  conditions  of  this  period. 


254  OLD  TESTAjNIENT  HISTORY 

6.  Read  the  passages  relating  to  the  dedication  of  the  temple  and 
note  whether  the  conditions  of  the  community  had  reached  the 
Messianic  expectations. 

7.  Read  the  messages  of  the  book  of  Malachi,  following  the  out- 
line given  in  the  textbook. 

8.  Read  the  passages  in  Isaiah  and  note  the  conditions  they  reflect. 

3.    The  Reorganization  under  Nehemiah 

218.  The  Biblical  Sources.  For  the  important  work 
which  Nehemiah  accomplished  in  reorganizing  the  Jewish 
community  in  Jerusalem  we  are  fortunate  in  possessing 
biblical  sources  that  are  not  surpassed  in  historical  value 
by  any  others  in  the  Old  Testament.  They  are  of  the  nature 
of  personal  memoirs,  written  in  the  first  person,  and  by 
Nehemiah  himself.  They  are  clear  and  direct,  and  represent 
one  of  the  rare  instances,  Hke  that  of  Caesar,  of*  one  who 
not  only  made  but  wrote  history.  The  Chronicler  has 
fortunately  incorporated  them  into  his  work  with  but  few 
alterations  or  additions;  and  as  a  whole  they  consist  of 
Neh  1-7;  12.  27-43;  13.  4-31;  of  which  ch.  3,  containing  a 
list  of  names,  is  probably  the  most  notable  secondary  addi- 
tion. Here  must  be  added  also  Ezra  4.  4-23,  which  evidently 
deals  with  the  building  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem ;  verses 
8-23  are  in  Aramaic,  and  contain  a  letter  addressed  to 
Artaxerxes,  which  has  evidently  become  misplaced  and  be- 
longs immediately  before  Neh  i. 
Ezra  4. 4-23;  219.  The  Condition  of  Jerusalem.    It  was  in  the  twen- 

tieth year  of  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  I  (464-425),  that  is, 
in  444  B.  C,  that  Nehemiah,  who  held  the  high  and  confi- 
dential office  of  cupbearer  to  the  king,  heard  in  the  Persian 
capital  at  Susa  through  a  relative  of  his,  Hanani,  who  had 
with  other  Judseans  recently  arrived  from  Jerusalem,  that 
the  city  was  in  a  sad  plight;  the  wall  was  broken  down, 
the  gates  burned  with  fire,  and  the  community  in  great 
affliction  and  reproach. 

It  is  quite  evident  that  this  report  relates  to  something 


JEWISH  COMMUNITY  RESTORED  255 

that  had  recently  happened  and  does  not  refer  to  what  was 
done  by  Nebuchadrezzar  over  a  hundred  and  forty  years 
before.  In  accordance  with  this  supposition  is  the  fact  that 
the  letter  relating  to  the  building  of  the  walls  is  dated  in 
the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  (Ezra  4.  7,  23).  It  would  appear, 
then,  that  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes,  a 
considerable  body  of  exiles  had  returned  to  Jerusalem,  and 
had  set  themselves  to  the  task  of  rebuilding  the  walls  of 
the  city  (v.  12),  which  was  a  most  essential  requirement 
for  the  existence  of  the  community  in  view  of  the  threaten- 
ing attitude  of  its  hostile  neighbors.  It  appears  from  the 
zeal  and  anxiety  with  which  the  effort  was  pursued  that 
considerable  progress  had  been  made.  The  Samaritans, 
after  their  offer  to  join  in  the  building  of  the  temple  had 
been  repulsed,  saw  in  the  rise  of  Jerusalem  out  of  its  ruins 
nothing  but  a  rival  and  hostile  power,  and  sought  by  all 
means  possible  to  hinder  the  work.  Thus  they  had  sought 
to  interrupt  the  building  of  the  temple  in  the  time  of  Darius ; 
a  similar  attempt  they  had  made  in  the  time  of  Xerxes 
(Ezra  4.  6),  of  the  success  of  which  nothing  has  come 
down  to  us;  and  now  again,  in  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes, 
when  the  fortification  of  Jerusalem  was  well  advanced, 
they  appealed  to  the  king  to  stop  the  work,  citing  the  city's 
rebellious  history  as  the  ground  for  its  suppression.  In 
the  earlier  part  of  his  reign,  Artaxerxes  had  to  deal  with 
a  serious  revolt  of  Egypt  (460)  ;  and  it  may  be  that  a 
suspicion  that  the  fortification  of  Jerusalem  might  be  hostile 
to  him,  led  him  to  decree  that  the  building  cease  until 
further  orders.  When  the  royal  mandate  reached  Syria, 
the  Samaritans  went  with  haste  to  Jerusalem  and  made  the 
Jews  cease  the  work  by  ''force  and  power."  Having  matters 
in  their  own  hands,  and  finding  the  work  well  advanced,  it 
is  most  probable  that  they  exceeded  the  order  by  so  much  as 
to  tear  down  some  of  the  wall  and  burn  the  gates  with 
fire.  It  is  to  this  recent  calamity,  but  ten  or  fifteen  years 
back,  that  the  report  which  Nehemiah  now  hears  has  refer- 


2s6  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

ence.  It  stirs  profoundly  his  patriotic  heart,  and  fills  him 
with  great  sadness,  to  which  he  gives  utterance  in  prayer 
and  fasting. 

Neh  2. 1-9  220.   Nchemiah  Governor  of  Jerusalem.     Showing  the 

distress  of  his  mind  in  his  features,  Nehemiah  succeeded 
in  obtaining  the  sympathy  and  aid  of  Artaxerxes  to  carry 
out  his  wish  to  rebuild  the  ruins  of  the  city  of  his  ancestors. 
The  revolt  in  Egypt  had  been  put  down  by  the  Persian 
general  Megabyzos  in  455,  and  the  suspicion  of  hostile 
designs  in  Jerusalem  no  longer  existed.  Moved  by  the 
distress  of  his  favorite,  the  king  grants  him  a  leave  of 
absence  to  go  to  Jerusalem  to  rebuild  its  walls;  and  to  aid 
him  to  accomplish  his  purpose  he  provides  him  with  an 
armed  escort,  appointing  him  at  the  same  time  governor  of 
the  province  of  Judaea  (Neh  5.  14). 

Nehemiah's  task  was  by  no  means  easy  nor  simple :  he  had 
to  arouse  the  lethargy  of  a  discouraged  and  poor  com- 
munity, to  utilize  the  slender  means  at  his  command  to  best 
advantage,  and  to  ward  off  the  hostile  endeavors  of  those 
who  did  not  wish  to  see  Zion  arise  from  its  ashes.  But 
he  addressed  himself  to  his  task  with  a  masterful  circum- 
spection, energy,  and  devotion. 

Neh  2. 10  to  3. 32  Nehemiah  knew  how  to  keep  his  own  counsel  until  his 
plans  were  mature  enough  to  be  put  into  execution.  On 
his  arrival  in  Jerusalem  he  concealed  his  purpose  until 
after  his  lonely  midnight  tour  of  inspection  around  the 
ruined  walls  of  the  city.  Then,  undaunted  by  the  obstacles, 
he  aroused  the  community  with  the  call,  ''Come  and  let  us 
build  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  and  remove  our  reproach!" 
pointing  to  his  commission  from  the  king.  It  is  highly 
probable  that  the  list  of  builders  of  chapter  three  is  a  later 
contribution  of  the  Chronicler,  but  it  nevertheless  furnishes 
evidence  of  Nehemiah's  capacity  for  organization,  proceed- 
ing upon  principles  of  community  interests,  and  assigning 
each  man  his  definite  task. 

^^^^i^  221.    The  Opposition.     The  leaders  of  the  opposition 


JEWISH  COMMUNITY  RESTORED  257 

to  Nehemiah  were:  First  and  foremost  Sanballat,  a  native 
of  Beth-lioron,  and  hence  called  the  Horonite.  From  his 
Babylonian  name  he  has  been  considered  as  a  descendant  of 
a  Babylonian  family,  but  he  may  have  been  a  Jew ;  and  the 
Elephantine  papyri  have  brought  evidence  that  he,  like  his 
two  sons,  was  governor  of  Samaria.  Tobiah,  the  Ammon- 
ite, was  evidently  an  alien ;  he  is  called  opprobriously  *'the 
slave,"  and  was  probably  a  slave  of  the  Persian  king,  having 
risen  to  a  position  of  influence.  Geshem,  the  Arabian,  was 
another  alien.  It  is  quite  probable  that  the  ground  of  the 
opposition  was  mainly  political,  and  it  assumed  various 
phases  with  the  progress  of  the  walls.  At  first  it  was  mere 
derision ;  then  anger,  with  the  design  of  an  attack,  against 
which  Nehemiah  provided  by  means  of  armed  guards;  and 
then  it  was  by  various  plots  to  get  Nehemiah  into  their 
power  to  murder  him.  Four  times  they  invited  him  to 
meet  them  for  conference,  the  fifth  time  to  explain  a  charge 
of  treason  which  they  had  invented.  With  the  aid  of  a 
temple  official  and  a  prophetess,  Noadiah,  they  sought  to 
frighten  him  into  seeking  safety  in  the  sanctuary,  that  they 
might  reproach  him  with  sacrilege  and  break  his  influence 
with  the  people.  But  Nehemiah  saw  through  all  their 
intrigues,  and  would  in  no  wise  allow  himself  to  be  diverted 
from  pressing  on  in  building  the  walls. 

222.  The  Completion  of  the  Walls.  After  fifty-two  Neh  6.  15;  7.  i- 
days  of  most  strenuous  effort  the  walls  were  completed,  jj'if"'  ^^~'*^' 
the  gates  hung  in  their  places,  and  provisions  made  for 
securely  guarding  the  city.  Then  the  community  celebrated 
the  accomphshment  of  the  task  with  appropriate  festivities 
of  thanksgiving  and  sacrificial  meals,  the  account  of  which 
the  Chronicler  has  somewhat  embellished.  Action  also  was 
taken  to  secure  a  population  for  Jerusalem  by  bringing 
ten  per  cent  of  the  country  population  to  the  city.  The  city 
wall  now  encircled  the  civil  and  religious  community,  and 
it  must  have  imparted  to  it  a  sense  of  satisfaction  and 
security,  finding  an  echo  in  Psa  51.  i8f. : 


258  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

Do  good  in  thy  good  pleasure  unto  Zion; 

Build  up  the  walls  of  Jerusalem ! 

Then  thou  wilt  delight  in  true  offerings,  the  burnt  and  the  whole; 

Then  will  they  offer  bullocks  upon  thy  altar. 

223.  Nehemiah's  Other  Reforms.  The  first  term  of 
Nehemiah's  governorship  of  Jerusalem  lasted  twelve  years 
(Neh  5.  14).  The  building  of  the  walls  had  been  accom- 
plished during  the  first  year;  and  it  was  evidently  but  the 
beginning  of  a  thorough  reorganization  of  the  community. 
j^gjjg  One  of  the  first  abuses  he  was  called  upon  to  correct  was 

the  loan  system,  by  which  the  richer  members  oppressed  the 
poor.     They  practiced  a  shameless  usury  on  the  necessary 
funds  to  seed  the  fields  and  pay  the  king's  taxes,  making  the 
poor  mortgage  or  sell  their  property  to  the  nobles  and  even 
sell  their  children  into  alien  slavery.     By  most  emphatic 
remonstrance    and   unselfish   personal    example    Nehemiah 
made  the  priests  and  nobles  remit  the  debts  and  solemnly 
promise  not  to  repeat  acts  of  usury.     He  himself,  instead 
of   claiming  a  governor's   tribute,   contributed   out   of   his 
private  means  toward  the  support  of  the  needy  community. 
Unfortunately,  our  fragmentary  sources  leave  us  without 
further  information  on  Nehemiah's  activity  during  the  long 
remainder  of  his  first  term  of  ofiice  (444-432). 
Neh  13.  4-31. 12-       224.    The  Reforms  of  Nehemiah's  Second  Term.     Be- 
44-47, 13. 1-3        tween  Nehemiah's  first  and  second  terms  of  ofiice  lies  a 
period    during   which   he    resided    at    the    court    of    King 
Artaxerxes,  the  extent  of  which  we  have  no  sufficient  data 
to  determine.     But  that  it  must  have  been  of  some  con- 
siderable length  is  clear  from  the  abuses  which  had  crept 
in  during  his  absence,  which  he  found  necessary  to  reform 
on   his    return,   and    for   which   he    probably    returned   to 
Jerusalem  on  purpose.     The  abuses  consisted  of  the  pro- 
fanation of  the  temple  court,  the  neglect  of  the  Levitical 
service,  the  breaking  of  the   Sabbath,  and  intermarriages 
with  foreigners.     Nehemiah  drove  Tobiah  from  the  temple 
court,  and  restored  the  chambers  to  sacred  uses;  he  pro- 


JEWISH  COMAIUNITY  RESTORED  259 

vided  for  the  maintenance  of  the  temple  service  by  the 
proper  collection  and  distribution  of  the  tithe;  he  used 
most  drastic  measures  to  stop  working  and  trading  on  the 
Sabbath  day,  and  stemmed  the  tide  of  wholesale  inter- 
marriages with  Philistines,  Ammonites,  and  Moabites,  by 
striking,  cursing,  and  pulling  the  hair  of  those  who  would 
not  yield,  and,  to  give  a  most  striking  example,  drove  out 
the  high  priest's  son  who  had  married  Sanballat's  daughter. 

How  long  Nehemiah's  second  term  lasted  we  do  not 
exactly  know.  The  Elephantine  papyri  give  Bagohi  as  the 
governor  of  Judah  in  407,  and  on  the  interval  there  is  no 
light. 

225.  The  Character  and  Achievements  of  Nehemiah. 
Nehemiah,  judging  from  the  custom  at  Persian  courts, 
was  probably  a  eunuch,  who  had  started  in  a  humble  way 
in  the  service  of  the  king,  but  had  risen  to  high,  remunera- 
tive, and  influential  position.  But  his  advancement  did  not 
hinder  him  from  keeping  loyal  to  his  Jewish  faith  and 
people;  and  when  the  opportunity  offered  itself  he  used 
his  influence  in  their  behalf.  Although  himself  a  layman, 
he  must  have  had  his  education  and  training  in  priestly 
circles,  for  his  ideals  were  those  of  the  exclusive  particular- 
ism which  characterized  the  priestly  class.  Having  once 
determined  upon  a  course  of  action,  he  possessed  the  cour- 
age, energy,  and  persistency  not  to  be  turned  from  it.  He 
knew  how  to  get  men  to  work  and  to  inspire  them  to  effort ; 
he  could  be  intolerant  and  hostile,  and  dared  even  to  use 
physical  force  to  make  men  yield  to  his  plans.  He  was 
unselfish,  self-sacrificing,  conscious  of  his  merits,  but  devout 
and  God-fearing. 

His  achievements  were  vital  to  Judaism.  The  wall 
around  Jerusalem  was  the  wall  around  Judaism,  shutting  it 
out  from  influences  that  might  weaken  it;  it  was  a  mighty 
step  in  the  direction  of  Pharisaism.  Whether  this  step 
was  necessary  under  the  circumstances  to  keep  the  Hebrew 
religion  alive  it  is  not  easy  to  say,  but  it  is  certain  that  it 


26o  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

had   to   retrace   its   steps   before   it   could   become   fit    for 
universal  conquest. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Note  the  biographical  character  of  the  sources  for  the  history 
of  Nehemiah  and  mark  them  in  your  Bible. 

2.  Read  the  passages  relating  to  the  condition  of  Jerusalem  prior 
to  the  coming  of  Nehemiah  and  note  the  effect  the  report  had  on 
him. 

3.  Note  the  appointment  of  Nehemiah  as  governor  and  the  manner 
he  set  himself  to  his  task. 

4.  Note  the  opposition  to  Nehemiah's  work  and  its  causes. 

5.  Read  the  passages  relating  to  the  completion  of  the  walls  and 
note  the  sense  of  security  it  produced  on  the  community. 

6.  Note  Nehemiah's  other  reforms  and  the  reforms  of  his  second 
term  of  office. 

7.  Estimate  the  character  and  achievements  of  Nehemiah. 

4.    Ezra  and  the  Institution  of  the  Priestly  Law 

Ezra  7  to  10;  226.   The  BibHcal  Sources.    The  account  of  the  work 

Neh 7. 70 to  10. 39  Qf  Ezra  is  the  contribution  of  the  Chronicler  or  the  priestly 
historian,  and  on  our  approach  to  it  we  are  again  face  to 
face  with  all  the  problems  associated  with  his  method  of 
writing  history.  In  the  Chronicler's  view  it  is  Ezra,  the 
priest,  whose  genealogy  he  traces  back  to  Aaron,  the  ready 
scribe  of  the  law  of  Moses  or  of  the  God  of  heaven,  who 
is  the  chief  actor  in  the  restoration,  and  Nehemiah  the 
layman  only  an  inferior  assistant.  Ezra  appears  first  on 
the  scene,  and  he  is  the  last  to  disappear.  But  on  a  critical 
examination  of  the  data  it  appears  that  this  prominence 
of  the  priest  over  the  layman  is  due  to  the  manner  in  which 
the  material  has  been  arranged  and  that  it  is  contrary  to  in- 
dications which  the  material  itself  furnishes  and  to  historical 
probability.  That  Ezra's  activity  did  not  begin  thirteen 
years  before  Nehemiah's  with  an  interval  of  a  thirteen 
years'  silence  between  him  and  Nehemiah's,  but  that  it 
followed  Nehemiah's,  or,  in  other  words,  that  the  Arta- 
xerxes   of    Ezra    is   not   the   Artaxerxes    Longimanus    of 


JEWISH  COMMUNITY  RESTORED  261 

Nehemiah,  but  Artaxerxes  II  or  Mnemon  (404-359),  is 
made  probable  by  the  following  considerations:  (i)  In 
Nehemiah's  memoirs  he  never  mentions  Ezra;  (2)  when 
Ezra  appears  the  wall  is  already  built  (Ezra  9.  9)  ;  (3)  the 
order  of  Neh  12.  26  is  ''Nehemiah  the  governor,  and  of 
Ezra  the  priest  the  scribe,"  indicating  successive  periods ; 
(4)  a  comparison  of  Neh  12.  lof.  and  v.  22  shows  the 
order  of  high  priests  to  have  been :  Eliashib,  Joiada,  Jona- 
than or  Johanan,  Jaddua,  and  that  Jonathan  and  Johanan 
are  the  same ;  now  Eliashib  was  the  high  priest  in  Nehe- 
miah's time  (Neh  3.  i,  2of. ;  13.  4,  7,  28)  and  Johanan  or 
Jehohanan  the  grandson  of  Eliashib  in  Ezra's  time  (Ezra 
10.  6),  which  corresponds  exactly  with  the  interval  of  two 
generations  between  Artaxerxes  I  and  Artaxerxes  II.  That 
the  Chronicler  has  confused  the  two  kings'  names  Arta- 
xerxes, thus  making  Nehemiah  and  Ezra  contemporaries, 
is  further  seen  from  the  improbability  that  Artaxerxes  I 
should  have  sent  two  men  to  do  practically  the  same  work 
at  the  same  time;  that  Nehemiah  should  have  had  to  deal 
with  the  mixed  marriages  as  a  new  problem  after  their 
wholesale  dissolution  by  Ezra  (compare  Neh  13.  23ff.  with 
Ezra  9f.)  ;  or  that  the  Levites  should  have  been  driven  to 
work  in  the  fields  for  a  living  in  view  of  Ezra's  provisions 
for  them  (compare  Ezra  7.  iiff.  with  Neh  13.  lof.)  ;  but 
all  these  circumstances  fall  into  line  when  it  is  assumed 
that  Ezra  followed  Nehemiah,  and  that  the  Chronicler  has 
put  into  wrong  chronological  order  the  events  described  in 
Ezra  7  to  10  and  Neh  7.  70  to  10.  39. 

This  displacement  of  the  material  used  by  the  Chronicler 
raises  the  priest  Ezra  into  the  position  of  preeminence. 
The  king's  decree,  given  in  an  Aramaic  form  in  Ezra  7. 
11-26,  when  compared  with  the  grant  in  the  memoirs  of 
Nehemiah  (2.  1-9),  appears  exaggerated  in  tone  and  con- 
tent. The  money  grant  and  the  treasures  the  company 
brings  to  Jerusalem,  according  to  Ezra  8.  26f.,  would  be 
equivalent  to  a  million  dollars  of  silver  and  three  millions 


262  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

of  gold.  This  wealth  is  out  of  accord  with  historical 
probability,  and  most  probably  is  due  to  the  Chronicler's 
tendency  to  large  numbers  and  idealization.  Yet,  all  this 
does  not  justify  the  supposition  that  the  Chronicler's  account 
of  Ezra  has  no  historical  basis,  but  only  that  he  has  used 
good  and  reliable  historical  tradition  with  the  purpose  of 
emphasizing  the  greater  importance  of  the  work  of  the 
priestly  class  to  which  he  himself  belonged. 

227.  The  Return  Under  Ezra.  Making  all  due  allow- 
ance for  the  Chronicler's  point  of  view,  he  brings  to  us 
the  account  of  an  extensive  and  important  return  of  the 
exiles  to  Jerusalem.  Nehemiah's  work  had  made  Judsea 
inhabitable;  and  the  report  of  what  he  had  accomplished 
must  have  had  its  effect  in  stirring  the  patriotism  of  those 
who  required  stronger  inducements  to  do  their  duty.  It 
Ezra?  was  in  the  seventh  year  of   the   reign  of   Artaxerxes   II, 

that  is,  in  397,  or  about  twenty  years  later,  that  the  new 
movement  toward  the  restoration  of  the  Jewish  community 
took  place.  Its  leader  at  this  time  was  not  a  layman,  but 
Ezra,  the  priest  and  scribe;  the  nature  of  it  was,  corres- 
ponding with  the  new  leadership,  particularly  religious; 
and  its  keynote  the  phrase  of  v.  2^,  "to  beautify  [or  glorify, 
compare  Isa  55-  5 ;  60.  7,  9,  13]  the  house  of  Jehovah  which 
is  in  Jerusalem." 

It  was  a  considerable  company  of  exiles  that  came  with 
Ezra,  probably  the  large  majority  of  those  enumerated  in 
Ezras  the  various  lists  contained  in  Ezra  2,  8,  and  Neh  7,  and 

numbering  nearly  fifty  thousand.  We  meet  here  with  in- 
teresting details,  which  may  be  taken  as  typical,  of  how 
the  caravans  of  the  pilgrims  were  organized,  the  starting 
place  of  the  caravan,  and  the  rich  presents  that  the  wealthy 
exiles  contributed  to  their  poorer  brethren  in  the  home- 
land. One  instance  is  peculiarly  noticeable  as  illustrating 
the  difference  between  the  matter-of-fact  procedure  of  the 
businesslike  layman,  Nehemiah,  and  the  religious  enthusiast, 
Ezra.    The  former  took  the  precautions  of  an  armed  body- 


JEWISH  COMMUx\ITY  RESTORED  263 

guard  for  protection  against  attacks  on  the  desert  highway 
and  in  Jerusalem,  but  Ezra  looked  upon  such  a  provision 
as  a  lack  of  faith  in  God's  protecting  power;  and  instead 
held  a  fast  and  prayer  meeting  to  ask  for  God's  protection 
(vv.  21-23,  31). 

228.  Ezra's    Marriage    Reforms.     The   first   problem  Ezragf. 
Ezra  had  to  face  in  his  effort  to  establish  the  community 

on  the  basis  of  priestly  ideals  was  that  of  dealing  with  the 
non-Jewish  element.  Nehemiah,  as  we  have  seen,  had  had 
to  deal  with  the  same  problem ;  but  Ezra  had  the  advantage 
of  his  predecessor's  labors,  and  his  own  could  be  all  the 
more  thorough.  Our  sources  emphasize  the  heinousness  of 
the  offense  of  these  intermarriages  by  a  most  vivid  descrip- 
tion of  the  effects  their  disclosure  had  upon  Ezra.  He 
becomes  nearly  beside  himself  for  grief ;  he  assumes  all 
the  forms  of  the  custom  of  mourning,  and  utters  in  behalf 
of  the  community  a  humble  prayer  of  repentance  and  cry 
for  divine  mercy. 

To  what  extent  Ezra  succeeded  in  his  difficult  task  is  not 
altogether  clear.  It  required  the  breaking  up  of  tender 
ties,  involving  parents  and  children  and  the  dissolutions  of 
homes.  The  general  trend  of  the  Chronicler's  story  is  to  the 
effect  that  the  community  as  a  whole  confessed  its  guilt  and 
made  reparation  by  sending  their  foreign  wives  back  home. 
But  he  has  left  some  indications  that  point  the  other  way. 
Some  of  the  people  pleaded  for  more  deliberation  in  the 
matter,  as  thero  were  many  involved,  pointed  to  the  bad, 
rainy  weather  as  an  excuse  for  going  slowly,  and  some 
openly  opposed  the  action  altogether  (10.  13-15).  It  is 
quite  probable,  however,  that  the  energy  and  zeal  of  the 
priestly  reformer  overcame  the  obstacles  put  in  the  way 
of  what  he  considered  a  necessary  reform. 

229.  The  Reading  of  the  Law.     But  the  culmination   NehS 
of   Ezra's  activity  was  the  solemn  adoption  by  the  com- 
munity of  the  Priestly  Law.     We  are   furnished   with  a 
detailed  account  of  the  proceedings  of  which  the  first  step 


264  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

was  the  public  reading  of  the  Law.  The  assembly  of  the 
people  had  gathered  in  the  open  in  front  of  one  of  the  gates ; 
a  wooden  pulpit  had  been  erected  for  the  occasion  from 
which  the  reading  was  done.  Ezra  brought  the  Law  book, 
and,  surrounded  by  priests  and  Levites,  read  it  to  the  people, 
making  the  effort  to  explain  to  the  people  the  meaning 
of  what  was  read.  The  account  suggests  a  similar  occasion, 
when  in  the  days  of  King  Josiah  the  Deuteronomic  law 
book  was  found.  The  grief  that  the  reading  produced  was 
made  to  turn  into  a  joyful  feast,  and  as  it  was  the  time 
for  the  keeping  of  the  feast  of  Tabernacles,  it  was  cele- 
brated strictly  according  to  the  levitical  requirements  (com- 
pare Lev  22,.  39ff.)- 

230.  The  Adoption  of  the  Priestly  Law.  Upon  a 
later  occasion,  we  are  informed,  there  was  a  further  reading 
of  the  Law,  followed  by  a  prayer  of  confession,  containing 
a  comprehensive  review  of  Hebrew  history,  illustrating  the 
national  delinquency  in  obeying  the  law  of  God.  But  now 
the  people  bind  themselves  most  solemnly  to  walk  hence- 
forth according  to  God  and  the  law  (10.  29),  and  immedi- 
ately enforce  upon  its  basis  several  essential  requirements: 

( 1 )  Not  to  enter  into  marriage  relations  with  alien  peoples ; 

(2)  not  to  trade  on  the  Sabbath  day;  (3)  to  keep  the  law 
of  the  sabbatical  year,  that  is,  to  let  the  land  lie  fallow  and 
remit  the  debts  of  a  fellow  Hebrew  (confer  Lev  25.  1-7; 
Deut  15.  i-ii)  ;  (4)  to  pay  one  third  of  a  shekel  as  a  temple 
tax  and  supply  the  necessary  wood  for  the  altar,  and  thus 
provide  for  the  sustaining  of  the  temple  service  (Lev  6.  12)  ; 
and  (5)  to  bring  in  the  first-fruits  of  the  produce,  the 
firstlings  of  the  flocks,  and  cattle,  and  the  tithe  to  support 
the  priests  and  Levites. 

231.  The  Character  of  the  Priestly  Law.  What  was 
this  Law  that  Ezra  brought  and  read  and  which  the  com- 
munity adopted?  It  has  already  been  pointed  out  that  the 
legislation  of  the  Hebrews  passed  through  various  stages, 
represented  by  different  codes  of  laws,  before  it  reached  the 


JEWISH  COMMUNITY  RESTORED  265 

stage  represented  by  the  Pentateuchal  law  as  a  whole.  The 
codes  that  we  have  already  met  in  our  historical  study,  apart 
from  the  earliest,  are  the  Book  of  the  Covenant,  the  Deuter- 
onomic  Law,  and  the  Law  of  Holiness.  Was,  then,  Ezra's 
Law  one  or  the  combination  of  these,  or  another  law?  A 
comparison  of  the  enactments  that  accompanied  the  pro- 
mulgation of  the  Law  of  Ezra  with  the  Pentateuchal  laws 
indicates  that  it  was  not  one  of  those  already  adopted,  but 
the  new  and  later  element  contained  in  the  source  of  the 
Hexateuch  known  as  the  Priests'  Code  (P).  The  cele- 
bration of  the  feast  of  Tabernacles  and  the  other  enact- 
ments correspond  more  nearly  with  the  legislation  in  that 
code,  although  some  differences,  as,  for  instance,  the  temple 
tax,  half  a  shekel  instead  of  one  third  (compare  Neh  10. 
;^2  with  Exod  30.  13;  38.  26)  would  indicate  that  the 
Priests'  Code  passed  through  revisions  before  it  assumed 
the  present  form. 

The  Priestly  Document  is  composed  of  narrative  and 
legislation ;  but  the  narrative  is  really  legislation  in  the  form 
of  story,  and  the  same  spirit  and  purpose  pervade  both. 
The  ritualistic  and  legal  tendencies  of  Old  Testament  reli- 
gion have  here  reached  their  highest  point  of  development. 
Its  underlying  conception  we  have  already  met  with  in 
Ezekiel  and  the  Law  of  Holiness,  namely,  the  holiness  of 
Israel  as  the  people  of  God,  ritually  understood,  and  the 
consequent  subordination  of  the  whole  national  and  social 
life  to  this  idea,  or,  in  other  words,  the  theocratic  character 
of  Israel — the  Jewish  Church.  The  conception  grew  out 
of  Israel's  experience  in  exile,  which  brought  out  (i)  the 
need  of  isolation;  (2)  the  consciousness  of  guilt;  and 
(3)  the  importance  of  ritual  and  religious  institutions.  All 
three  find  their  expression  in  the  Priestly  Document,  which, 
by  means  of  story  and  law,  seeks  to  furnish  the  individual 
member  of  the  theocracy  with  all  kinds  of  ceremonies  by 
which  he  can  testify  that  he  regards  Jehovah  as  the  Lord 
of  all  space,  time,  possessions,  and  life. 


266  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

232.  The  Effect  of  the  Institution  of  the  Law.     The 

solemn  covenant  into  which  the  community  entered  to  be 
strictly  governed  by  the  Priestly  Law  was  the  more  formal 
beginning  of  the  reign  of  legalism  or  the  rise  of  Judaism. 
The  movement,  begun  with  the  Deuteronomic  law,  had 
now  reached  its  height.  Henceforth  Israel  is  no  longer  a 
nation  but  a  religious  community,  ruled  by  priests  according 
to  the  written  law;  and  its  life  and  aspirations  become 
predominantly  religious  and  ritualistic.  This  accounts  for 
the  fact  that  both  in  the  biblical  tradition  which  the  Chron- 
icler represents  and  in  rabbinic  Judaism,  Ezra  is  regarded 
as  a  second  Moses. 

233.  The  Establishment  of  the  Samaritan  Community. 
One  of  the  immediate  effects  of  the  exclusivism  resulting  in 
the  adoption  of  the  Priestly  Law  was  the  organization  of 
the  Samaritans  into  an  independent  religious  community, 
which  ultimately  built  its  own  temple  on  Mount  Gerizim. 
While  this  general  outcome  is  clear,  the  intermediate  steps 
leading  to  it  are  not  altogether  certain.  A  definite  step  in 
the  direction  was  taken  during  the  second  term  of  Nehemiah, 
when  he  drove  out  *'one  of  the  sons  of  Joiada,"  the  high 
priest,  because  he  had  married  a  daughter  of  Sanballat,  the 
governor  of  the  Samaritans.  Josephus  (Antiquities,  xi, 
7.  2;  8.  2)  relates  that  a  certain  Manasseh,  the  brother  of 
Jaddua,  the  high  priest,  married  Nicaso,  the  daughter  of 
Sanballat,  and  was  forced  by  the  elders  of  Jerusalem  either 
to  relinquish  his  wife  or  the  priesthood.  His  father-in-law 
persuaded  him  to  retain  his  wife  by  the  promise  that  he 
would  secure  him  the  office  of  high  priest  and  a  temple 
among  the  Samaritans,  which  temple  was  built  by  per- 
mission of  Alexander  the  Great.  The  difficulty  with 
Josephus's  account  is  that  there  is  a  century  between  the 
Sanballat  of  Nehemiah's  time  and  that  of  Alexander. 
There  were  either  two  Sanballats  who  both  married  daugh- 
ters to  the  sons  of  Jewish  high  priests,  causing  both  on  this 
account  to  be  driven  from  Jerusalem,  or  Josephus  has  placed 


JEWISH  COMMUNITY  RESTORED  267 

the  event  a  century  too  late.  But  this  uncertainty  does 
not  involve  the  general  facts  that  Nehemiah  and  Ezra's 
religious  policy  led  to  the  Samaritan  religious  independence, 
that  by  the  time  of  Alexander  they  had  their  own  temple 
on  Mount  Gerizim,  and  that  the  Jews  would  have  no  reli- 
gious dealings  with  the  Samaritans. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Consider    the   grounds    for   holding   that   Nehemiah   preceded 
Ezra  by  twenty  years  and  that  the  Chronicler  favors  the  latter. 

2.  Consider  the  object  of  the  mission  of  Ezra  and  the  extent  of 
the  return  under  his  leadership. 

3.  Note  Ezra's  marriage  reforms  and  the  difficulties  they  involved. 

4.  Note  the  reading  and  adoption  of  the  Priestly  Law. 

5.  Consider  the  character  of  the  Priestly  Law  and  its  relation  to 
the  law  codes  that  had  preceded  it.    See  Section  6. 

6.  Note  the  effect  of  the  institution  of  the  Law  on  the  future 
development  of  the  Jewish  religion. 

7.  Consider  the  effect  on  the  Samaritan  community. 

5.   The  Suffering  Community  and  the  Problem  of  Job 

234.    The   Last   Decades   of   Persian   Rule.     For  the 

period  that  followed  the  restoration  of  the  Jewish  com- 
munity under  Nehemiah  and  Ezra,  our  biblical  sources 
furnish  us  no  direct  data.  From  the  lists  which  the 
Chronicler  has  incorporated  into  his  account,  we  obtain 
some  glimpses  on  the  territory  the  province  covered  during 
this  period  and  its  gradual  extension.  During  the  time 
of  Nehemiah  its  northern  extreme  was  Mizpah,  the  eastern 
Jericho,  the  southern  Bethzur,  and  the  western  Zanoah  and 
Keilah  (Neh  3),  altogether  about  twenty  miles  square  and 
of  very  limited  fertility.  During  the  later  part  of  the  period 
it  extended  southward  as  far  as  Beersheba,  with  seventeen 
towns  lying  between  it  and  the  environs  of  Jerusalem 
(Neh  II.  25-30)  ;  in  the  north  and  northwest  it  included 
Michmash,  Ai,  Bethel,  Ono,  Lydda,  and  ten  others  (Neh 
II.  31-36)  ;  making  a  grand  total  of  thirty-three  cities  and 


268  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

their  adjacent  country,  covering  a  territory  sixty  by  forty 
miles  in  extent.  Conditions  were  now  more  favorable,  and 
the  province  grew,  we  have  reason  to  believe,  from  addi- 
tions from  Babylonia  and  the  aggregations  of  the  elements 
that  had  remained  scattered  in  the  land. 

But  there  appear  no  evidences  of  prosperity  during  the 
closing  period  of  the  Persian  rule,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
such  light  as  we  obtain  from  other  than  biblical  sources 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  Jewish  colony  suffered. 
Josephus  (Antiquities,  xi,  7.  i)  tells  of  an  invasion  of 
Jerusalem  under  the  Persian  general  Bagoses  (Bagoas), 
who  had  come  to  punish  a  quarrel  between  two  of  the  high 
priest's  sons  for  the  succession  to  the  office  of  high  priest 
in  which  one  of  the  brothers  was  murdered,  imposing  a 
heavy  fine  for  seven  years,  and  entering  haughtily  in  the 
Holy  of  Holies.  This  must  have  occurred  about  the  end 
of  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  H  (cir.  460).  It  is  quite  prob- 
able that  under  his  successor,  Artaxerxes  III  (Ochus,  359, 
336),  the  Jews  participated  in  an  uprising  against  Persia 
led  by  the  Phoenicians,  which  was  cruelly  punished  by 
Ochus  in  a  sack  of  Jericho  and  a  partial  captivity  of  the 
Jews  to  Hyrcania,  on  the  southern  shores  of  the  Caspian 
Sea  (SoHnus,  xxxv,  6;  35.  4;  Syncellus,  i,  486).  There 
are  no  undoubted  allusions  to  these  events  in  the  biblical 
sources;  but  the  following  passages,  which  express  the 
sufferings  of  Jerusalem  from  the  oppression  of  a  mighty 
foe  and  the  hope  of  his  speedy  visitation  with  divine 
vengeance,  have  been  considered  by  some  to  refer  to  the 
persecutions  under  Ochus:  Isa  24-27;  63.  7  to  64.  12;  Psa 
44,  74,  79,  89. 

235.  The  Prophecy  of  Joel.  The  fact  that  the  Greeks 
are  mentioned  in  Joel  3.  6  has  led  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
prophecy  of  Joel  belongs  to  the  closing  years  of  the  Persian 
period.  It  is  a  message  of  encouragement  in  distress.  The 
land  is  visited  with  a  devastating  invasion  of  locusts,  either 
literally  understood,  or  metaphorically  of  an  invasion  of  a 


JEWISH  COMMUNITY  RESTORED  269 

hostile  army,  and  the  call  comes  to  fasting  and  prayer. 
Jehovah  is  moved  to  compassion,  and  the  promise  of  re- 
turning favor  is  given.  The  nations  meet  in  the  valley 
of  Jehoshaphat  ("Jehovah's  judgment")  for  Jehovah's 
judgment,  and  the  outcome  is  Jerusalem's  perpetual 
prosperity. 

The  general  content  of  the  message  is  often  met  with  in 
earlier  prophecy,  but  what  is  new  is  the  form  in  which  it 
is  conveyed.  It  belongs  to  the  beginnings  of  the  type  of 
prophecy  which  deals  in  highly  colored  figures  of  the  end 
cf  things,  known  as  apocalyptic  and  eschatological,  and  in 
which  Isa  24  to  2^  also  shares. 

As  historical  sources  they  speak  out  of  a  period  of  dis- 
tress; and  as  such  we  must  consider  the  closing  years  of 
the  Persian  rule.  The  Jewish  community  is  struggling 
with  adverse  circumstances,  and  the  Messianic  age  is  longed 
for. 

236.  The  Problem  of  the  Book  of  Job.  If  ever  in  its 
national  history  the  Jewish  people  sought  to  live  according 
to  the  divine  law,  it  certainly  was  doing  so  now.  The 
priestly  element  of  the  people  was  in  power,  filled  with  a 
new  zeal  to  scrupulously  keep  itself  from  defilement  with 
heathen  contact,  and  to  obey  in  all  details  the  requirements 
of  the  divine  service.  The  community  was  comparatively 
small,  and  more  easily  controlled,  and  apparently  sharing 
in  their  leaders'  devotion  to  piety  and  sanctity.  How  the 
representative  Jew  of  this  time  felt  as  he  stood  before  God 
may  be  seen  illustrated  in  the  words  from  Psa  26.  1-7: 

Plead  for  me,  O  Jehovah,  for  I  walk  in  my  integrity; 

In  Jehovah  I  trust  without  wavering. 

Try  me,  O  Jehovah,  and  prove  me ; 

Test  my  heart  and  my  mind. 

For  thy  graciousness  is  before  me; 

And  I  walk  in  thy  truth. 

I  sit  not  with  men  who  are  false ; 

And  with  dissemblers  I  do  not  associate. 


270  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

I  hate  the  assembly  of  evildoers; 

And  sit  not  in  the  company  of  the  wicked. 

I  wash  my  hands  in  innocence; 

And  go  about  thine  altar,  O  Jehovah. 

To  chant  aloud  my  thanksgiving; 

And  to  declare  all  thy  wonders. 

Yet  in  spite  of  this  evident  endeavor  of  genuine  integrity, 
moral  and  ceremonial,  the  community  was  in  grievous  dis- 
tress, oppressed  by  a  haughty  and  cruel  overlord;  and 
having  been  taught  that  he  who  delights  in  the  law  of 
Jehovah  shall  prosper,  they  were  face  to  face  with  the 
problem  of  the  ages,  *'Why  do  the  righteous  suffer?" — and 
this  is  the  problem  of  the  book  of  Job.  It  is  clearly  the 
product  of  an  age  when  national  and  individual  experience 
forced  the  question  to  the  front;  and  it  throws  much  light 
upon  this  period  when  the  Jews  made  history,  not  indeed 
in  politics,  but  in  the  thought  of  the  world,  for  the  book 
of  Job  stands  out  as  the  great  masterpiece  of  Hebrew 
literature,  scarcely  surpassed  by  any  other  in  the  literature 
of  the  world. 

Job,  a  righteous  and  God-fearing  man,  representing  the 
nation  or  individual,  is  suddenly  deprived  of  his  posses- 
sions and  health,  and  those  nearest  to  him  tell  him  to  curse 
God  and  die.  Not  knowing  why  the  disasters  have  come 
upon  him,  but  certain,  not  of  his  sinlessness,  but  of  his 
general  integrity,  he  refuses  to  follow  the  common  view 
of  his  day  that  his  claims  to  righteousness  are  merely 
hypocrisy,  and  that  he  has  secretly  committed  sins  enough 
to  deserve  all  the  terrible  sufferings  with  which  he  has 
been  visited.  Being  placed  by  those  who  argue  with  him 
before  the  dilemma  either  to  give  up  his  faith  in  a  righteous 
God  or  his  own  consciousness  of  integrity,  he  chooses 
neither,  but  with  the  heroic  boldness  of  a  religious  genius 
reaches  the  conclusion  that  in  spite  of  all  appearances  God 
is  not  against  him  but  for  him;  that  he  will  yet  appear  as 
his  vindicator,  if  not  before  he  dies  then  after  he  is  dead, 


JEWISH  COMMUNITY  RESTORED  271 

and  that,  though  the  cause  of  his  sufferings  is  shrouded  in 
mystery,  he  will  not  give  up  his  trust  in  God,  saying  with 
the  psalmist:  ''Nevertheless  I  am  ever  with  thee  ...  al- 
though my  flesh  and  my  heart  faileth,  God  remains  ever 
the  rock  of  my  heart  and  my  portion"  (Psa  73.  23,  26). 

The  problem  of  suffering  receives  comprehensive  treat- 
ment in  the  various  elements  that  constitute  the  discussion. 
In  the  prose  portions  of  the  book,  the  prologue   (ch.   i) 
and  the  epilogue  (42.  7-17),  representing  the  oldest  element 
drawn  from  folk-tale,  sufferings  are  considered  as  a  trial 
of  disinterested  righteousness,  the  successful  issue  of  which 
receives  the  reward  of   increased  prosperity.     The  three 
friends  of  Job,  his  so-called  comforters,  defend  the  view 
that  suffering  is  punitive  (15.  17-35),  but  also  disciplinary 
(5.    17-27),   neither   purposes   of   which   Job   denies,   only 
that  he  fails  to  see  that  it  meets  exactly  his  case.     The 
Elihu   speeches   reiterate  the   views   of   the   three   friends, 
with   special   emphasis   upon   the   disciplinary   purpose   of 
suffering  (33.  13-28;  36.  8-16).     Job  himself  comes  to  his 
view  of  sufferings  only  after  a  long  struggle,  in  which  he  is 
far    from   the   patience    for   which   he   is   renowned.      He 
curses  the  day  wherein  he  was  born  (ch.  3)  ;  complains  that 
Jehovah   pursues   him    relentlessly    (7.    17-21);   and   even 
charges  him  with  injustice   (9.  22-24).     But  ultimately  he 
comes  to  recognize  by  various  stages  of  personal  contact 
with  God  (13.  22;  14.  15),  culminating  in  a  final  experience 
of   God's  nearness    (42.    1-6),   that  the   purposes  of   God 
which  he  cannot  comprehend  through  his  intellect  he  may 
perceive   through    his    conscious    childlike    trust    in    God's 
goodness  and  wisdom. 

Opinions  differ  as  to  whether  the  book  of  Job  solves 
the  problem  of  suffering,  but  that  it  contributes  largely  to 
its  solution  cannot  be  questioned.  The  problem  is  com- 
plex, and  no  single  statement  can  be  comprehensive  enough 
to  cover  it.  Each  view  represented  contains  an  element  of 
truth :  suffering  is  in  most  cases  clearly  punitive,  a  deserved 


272  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

punishment  for  sin;  it  may  be  always,  and  even  with  the 
perfect,  a  test  of  character  and  disciplinary  in  its  efifect 
(compare  Heb  4.  15;  5.  8);  it  may  be  in  some  cases 
vicarious,  in  the  interest  of  some  other's  good  (see  Section 
201);  but  whether  its  purpose  is  one  or  the  other,  the 
genuine  religious  attitude  toward  it  must  be  that  of  con- 
fident resignation  to  God's  wise  and  beneficent  purpose 
as  clearly  manifest  in  his  government  of  the  world. 

It  is  quite  evident  that  this  idiscussion  in  the  book  of  Job, 
added  to  the  ideal  of  the  Suffering  Servant  of  Jehovah,  and 
represented  also  in  Psa  2i7y  49>  73>  a^nd  22,  has  in  its  essential 
features  prepared  the  way  for  the  thought  of  the  via 
dolorosa,  the  way  of  the  cross,  ''the  climax  and  most  com- 
plete expression  of  the  process  to  which  we  owe  the  entire 
evolution  of  our  race,"  so  prominent  in  the  New  Testament. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Trace  on  the  map  the  extent  of  the  Jewish  territory  in  Pales- 
tine. Consider  the  condition  of  the  Jewish  community.  Look  up 
the  reference  to  Josephus  and  the  passages  at  the  end  of  section  234. 

2.  Read  the  prophecy  of  Joel  and  note  the  purpose  of  his  message 
and  the  new  form  it  assumes. 

3.  Obtain  a  clear  outline  of  the  contents  of  the  book  of  Job,  using 
the  headings. 

4.  Consider  the  problem  with  which  the  book  of  Job  deals  and 
whether  it  finds  its  cause  in  the  condition  of  the  community. 

6.    The  Religious  and  Social  Ideas  Under  the  Law 

237.  Religious  Conceptions.  The  tendency  of  cere- 
monialism is  to  make  discriminations  between  persons,  ac- 
tions, objects,  and  seasons;  to  regard  some  as  secular  and 
others  as  holy.  Its  effect  is  that  Hfe  and  thought  become 
circumscribed,  and  all  sorts  of  barriers  spring  up.  The 
first  barrier  thus  to  appear  was  that  which  divided  God  from 
man.  The  prophetic  conception  of  the  nearness  of  Jehovah 
is  gradually  changed  into  his  remoteness;  it  gives  rise  to 
the   transcendental   conception    of    God    over    against   the 


JEWISH  COMMUNITY  RESTORED  273 

anthropomorphic,  illustrated,  as  already  pointed  out  (Sec- 
tion 23),  in  the  two  accounts  of  creation.  God  recedes,  as 
it  were,  more  into  heaven,  and  he  is  spoken  of  now  fre- 
quently as  "the  God  of  heaven"  (Ezra  5.  12;  6.  10;  7.  12, 
21,  23;  Neh  I.  4f. ;  2.  4,  20).  He  acts  upon  the  world 
more  indirectly  by  his  word,  or  by  his  spirit  (Gen  i.  2; 
Job  33.  4). 

Closely  associated  with  this  conception  of  God  is  that 
of  the  intermediate  agency  of  angels  good  and  bad.  Angels 
appear  now  far  more  frequently  in  the  role  of  agents  who 
carry  out  God's  appointed  tasks  (Zech  i.  9,  I3f.;  2.  1; 
4.  if.;  5.  5,  10;  6.  4).  Among  the  agents  appears  one 
whose  special  office  it  is  to  act  as  the  "adversary"  or 
"accuser"  of  man,  Satan  (Zech  3.  1-5;  Job  i.  6-12;  2.  1-7), 
doing  particularly  the  tasks  that  are  harmful  to  man  (com- 
pare 2  Sam  24.  I  with  i  Chron  21.  i ;  and  note  what  in  the 
earlier  passages  is  ascribed  to  Jehovah  himself  is  in  the 
later  ascribed  to  Satan).  But  we  have  here  as  yet  only  the 
beginnings  of  what  becomes  in  a  more  developed  form  a 
completely  systematized  doctrine  of  angelology  and  demon- 
ology,  in  which  the  constituent  elements  are  distinguished 
by  names  and  ranks.  As  the  Persians  possessed  a  fully 
developed  system  of  these  ideas,  it  is  highly  probable  that 
the  Jews  were  strongly  influenced  by  them. 

238.  Religious  Institutions.  Indicative  also  of  the 
tendency  of  this  time  to  emphasize  sanctity  by  segregation, 
is  the  priestly  conception  of  the  tabernacle,  the  sacrifices, 
and  the  priesthood.  The  tabernacle  is  the  dwelling  place 
of  Jehovah  in  the  midst  of  his  people  (Exod  25.  8 ;  29.  45 f.)  ; 
sacredly  guarded  (Num  2)  ;  and  entered  into  by  various 
degrees :  an  outer  court,  an  inner  court,  the  holy  place,  and 
the  most  holy  place.  The  sacrificial  system  of  the  Old 
Testament  is  expressive  of  two  essential  ideas — fellowship 
and  guilt.  The  sacrificial  feasts  in  which  the  flesh  of  the 
animals  furnished  the  meat  for  the  joyful  meal  (peace- 
offerings  and  thank-offerings)   were  expressive  of  fellow- 


274  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

ship,  human  and  divine,  and  characterized  the  celebration  of 
the  harvest  festivals — the  Passover,  Pentecost,  and  Taber- 
nacles. But  the  offerings  in  which  the  sacrificial  animal 
v^as  entirely  burned  upon  the  altar  or  fell  to  the  priests 
(whole  burnt-offering,  trespass  offering,  sin  offering)  were 
more  expressive  of  guilt  and  propitiatory  in  character. 
While  the  former  types  of  sacrifice  still  retained  their 
place,  it  is  the  latter  type  that  come  into  prominence  during 
this  period,  culminating  in  the  elaborate  ritual  of  the  Day 
of  Atonement  (Lev  i6),  and  expressing  the  deepened  con- 
sciousness of  guilt  and  separation  from  God. 

The  point  that  the  development  of  the  priesthood  reaches 
in  this  period  is  another  instance  of  the  tendency  of  the 
Law  to  set  up  barriers.  Step  by  step  the  elimination  pro- 
ceeded, separating  the  Jew  from  the  Gentile,  the  man  from 
the  woman,  the  Levite  from  the  layman,  the  priest  from 
the  Levite,  and  the  high  priest  from  the  priest.  The 
ground  plan  of  Herod's  Temple  in  Jerusalem,  built  with  the 
view  of  embodying  priestly  legislation,  illustrates  the  social 
ideals  as  to  class  spirit  which  the  dominance  of  the  Law 
inculcated.  The  "Court  of  the  Gentiles"  was  the  limit  of 
the  non-Jew,  the  ''Court  of  the  Women"  the  limit  of  the 
Jewish  woman,  the  "Court  of  the  Men  of  Israel"  the  limit 
of  the  Jewish  layman,  the  "Court  of  the  Priests"  the  limit 
of  the  Levites,  the  "Holy  Place"  the  limit  of  the  priests, 
and  the  "Holy  of  Llolies"  accessible  only  to  the  high  priest. 
The  contrast  between  these  priestly  ideals  and  those  of 
the  prophets  (Section  205),  is  most  striking;  and  the 
evident  justification  for  their  promulgation  is  the  self- 
preservation  of  Judaism  and  their  temporary  pedagogic  pur- 
pose to  lead  to  nobler  and  higher  ideals  (confer  Gal  3.  24; 
Heb  10.  1-24). 

239.  Protests  against  Particularism.  That  this  nar- 
rowing of  the  Jewish  horizon  did  not  proceed  without 
protest  on  the  part  of  some  who  had  come  under  the  spell 
of  prophetic  ideals  is  evident   from  the  purpose  of   two 


JEWISH  COMMUNITY  RESTORED  275 

literary  products  of  this  period — the  books  of   Ruth  and 
Jonah. 

Among  the  various  suggestions  as  to  the  probable  object  Ruth 
of  the  book  of  Ruth  the  one  that  still  rightly  finds  most 
favor  is  that  which  regards  it  as  a  protest  against  the 
crusade  forbidding  intermarriages  with  other  races  inaugu- 
rated by  Nehemiah  and  Ezra  and  embodied  in  the  Priestly 
Law.  Its  lesson  thus  conceived  is  that  if  Ruth  the  Moab- 
itess  by  her  marriage  with  Boaz  could  become  the  chosen 
vessel  to  contribute  the  lineage  from  which  sprang  the 
illustrious  King  David,  it  cannot  be  such  a  great  sin  to 
marry  a  Moabite  or  Ammonite  wife. 

The  central  thought  of  the  book  of  Jonah  is  God's  Jonah 
interest  in  the  repentance  and  welfare  of  those  living  out- 
side the  narrow  pale  of  Judaism.  Jonah,  who,  rather  than 
give  the  wicked  Ninevites  a  chance  to  repent,  runs  away 
from  his  commission,  and  who  is  angry  when  they  escape 
divine  judgment  (4.  if.),  is  the  type  of  the  narrow  Jew  who, 
by  ill  treatment  from  the  hands  of  wicked  Gentiles,  has 
come  to  regard  them  only  with  hatred.  But  the  lesson  of 
the  book  is  that  Jehovah  pities  Gentiles  as  much  as  Jews,  and 
is  as  glad  to  forgive  them,  if  they  turn  from  evil.  It  is  a 
prophet's  voice  in  the  wilderness  of  narrow  legalism, 
declaring, 

"There's  a  wideness  in  God's  mercy, 

Like  the  wideness  of  the  sea;  .  .  , 
There  is  welcome  for  the  sinner," 

and  that  it  is  Israel's  mission  to  announce  it  to  the  world. 
240.  The  Jewish  Piety  of  the  Psalms.  The  book  of 
Psalms  has  been  called  the  "hymn  book  of  the  second 
temple."  This  designation  is  correct  in  so  far  as  it  brings 
to  notice  that  it  was  during  the  ^-eorganization  of  the  temple 
service  in  the  Persian  period  that  provision  was  made  for 
the  service  of  song  in  the  public  worship,  leading  to  the 
appointment  of   Levitical  singers,  composed  of  men  and 


2^6  OLD  TESTAMENT  EIISTORY 

women,  formed  into  choirs,  and  the  composition  and  col- 
lection of  psalms  (Ezra  2.  41 ;  Neh  7.  44).  All  this  activity 
the  Chronicler  has  with  his  characteristic  tendency  to 
idealization  pushed  away  back  into  the  period  of  David 
(i  Chron  25.  1-8)  ;  but,  as  we  have  had  occasion  to  notice 
before,  the  Chronicler  is  better  authority  for  the  time  in 
which  he  writes  than  of  the  time  of  which  he  writes.  It  is, 
therefore,  to  this  period  that  we  must  look  for  the  first 
attempt  at  a  collection  of  sacred  songs.  Not  that  all  of 
the  psalms  originated  at  this  time ;  some  of  them  are  earlier 
and  some  of  them  later;  but  the  bulk  of  them  is  the  product 
of  this  age. 

It  is  not  always  easy  to  decide  whether  the  psalmist 
speaks  for  himself  as  an  individual  or  as  representing  his 
nation;  or,  in  other  words,  whether  the  *T"  and  "my"  of 
the  Psalms  are  to  be  taken  individually  or  collectively; 
compare,  for  instance,  Psa  25.  7;  71.  5,  17  with  129.  i.  But 
in  either  case  the  sentiment  expressed  reflects  the  thought 
of  this  period  and  is  of  great  historical  value,  for  we  get 
glimpses,  as  it  were,  into  the  very  heart  of  the  community; 
and  there  is  no  surer  sign  of  the  character  of  a  people  than 
the  songs  they  habitually  sing. 

The  best  evidence  of  the  depth  of  spiritual  feeling  of  the 
Psalms  is  that  they  have  ever  been  the  favorite  source  of 
devotion  of  the  Jewish  and  Christian  churches,  and  whether 
in  joy  or  sorrow,  in  need  of  petition  or  thanksgiving,  the 
pious  individual  has  ever  found  in  them  a  ready  and  most 
beautiful  expression  of  his  feelings  and  aspirations.  Of 
course,  not  all  the  psalms  occupy  the  same  moral  and 
spiritual  height.  Thus,  for  instance,  the  so-called  "Impre- 
catory Psalms"  (52;  58;  69;  109),  breathing  forth  the 
spirit  of  vengeance,  have  long  been  felt  as  inappropriate  to 
the  followers  of  Him  who  prayed  for  forgiveness  for  his 
enemies ;  and  consequently  John  Wesley  omitted  them  from 
his  Select  Psalms,  to  be  read  in  the  churches. 

On  the  whole,  the  Psalms  express  religious  ideals  in  which 


JEWISH  COMMUNITY  RESTORED  i-j-j 

the  temple  with  its  ritual  and  the  Law  occupy  a  most 
prominent  place.  The  temple  is  Jehovah's  dwelling  place 
whence  he  answers  prayer  (3.  4;  28.  2;  132.  I3f.)  ;  the 
pious  Israelite  longs  for  the  temple  and  its  services  (42!.; 
84.  10;  27.  4);  many  of  the  psalms  are  associated  with 
festivals  and  ritual  acts,  particularly  with  the  votive  offer- 
ings (116,  note  vv.  13;  17-19);  and  the  Law  is  highly 
exalted  (78.  i,  5,  10;  119).  At  the  same  time,  some  of  the 
psalms  also  express  the  broader,  later  idea  of  God's  dwell- 
ing place  in  the  heavens  (20.  6;  2.  4;  11.  4) ;  the  prophetic 
ideas  of  the  nearness  of  God  in  the  consciousness  of  the 
faithful  (16.  8,  II ;  23)  ;  and  the  secondary  value  of  sacri- 
fices (4.  5;  4.  6-8;  51.  i6f.).  The  Psalms,  it  thus  appears, 
are  a  combination  of  both  priestly  and  prophetic  ideals; 
they  are  expressive  of  a  warm  practical  piety  which  easily 
overcomes  theological  contradictions;  and  it  is  that  very 
nature  which  has  won  for  them  such  universal  favor. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Study  the  passages  relating  to  the  religious  conceptions  under 
the  Law  and  note  wherein  the  priestly  conceptions  differ  from  the 
prophetic. 

2.  Read  Exod  25  to  31,  P's  account  of  the  tabernacle,  with  the 
use  of  the  headings  and  note  with  what  elaboration  it  is  described. 

3.  Read  Lev  i  to  7,  with  the  use  of  the  headings,  for  a  description 
of  the  various  kinds  of  offerings.  Consult  Dictionary  of  the  Bible, 
article  "Sacrifices  and  Offerings." 

4.  Read  Lev  8  to  10  for  the  light  it  throws  on  the  character  and 
functions  of  the  priesthood  and  compare  the  underlying  social  ideals 
of  the  priest  and  the  prophet. 

5.  Read  the  book  of  Ruth  and  consider  whether  it  is  a  protest 
against  priestly  particularism. 

6.  Read  the  book  of  Jonah  and  consider  its  message  in  the  interest 
of  universal  brotherhood. 

7.  Consider  the  book  of  Psalms  as  a  hymn  book,  like  our  own, 
with  contributions  of  various  authors  of  various  times,  and  obtain 
a  general  idea  of  its  contents  by  noting  the  headings. 


^  CHAPTER  XIII 


JUDAISM   IN   CONTACT   WITH   HELLENISM 
(The  Greek  Period,  333-1  / 5  B.  C.) 

I.  The  Political  Events 

241.  General    Character   of   the    Greek   Period.      The 

century  and  a  half  that  hes  between  Alexander  the  Great 
and  the  reign  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  is  not  distinguished 
for  political  events  in  which  the  Jews  acted  independently, 
but  its  intellectual,  moral,  and  religious  effect  was  very 
marked.  This  accounts  for  the  fact  that  the  biblical  sources 
furnish  no  political  data  for  the  period,  while  the  character 
of  the  Wisdom  Literature,  the  product  of  this  age,  reveals 
the  change  in  Jewish  thought. 

242.  Effects  of  the  Conquest  of  Alexander  the  Great. 
The  battle  of  Issus  (333),  in  which  Alexander  won  his 
great  victory  over  Darius  III,  brought  to  the  Jews  the 
change  from  Persian  to  Greek  rule.  Alexander  came  into 
Syria,  took  Damascus  and  Sidon,  and  laid  siege  to  Tyre, 
which  after  some  resistance  also  fell  into  his  hands.  He 
then  came  to  Gaza  and  besieged  it.  During  this  siege, 
according  to  Josephus  (Antiquities,  xi,  8.  4-7),  whose  story 
is  greatly  embellished,  Alexander  paid  a  visit  to  Jerusalem. 
The  Jews  were  terrified  at  his  approach,  but  he  treated 
them  most  generously,  granting  them  absolute  religious 
freedom  and  the  remission  of  tribute  during  the  sabbatical 
years,  and  by  the  promise  of  special  favors  induced  many 
Jews  to  join  his  army  of  conquest.  The  Samaritans,  who 
found  it  serviceable  to  confess  themselves  as  Jews,  were 

278 


JUDAISM  IN  CONTACT  WITH  HELLENISM     279 

also  treated  with  favor.  Alexander's  conquest  of  Egypt 
and  the  founding  of  the  city  of  Alexandria  were  political 
movements  of  considerable  importance  to  the  Jews.  The 
new  city  was  located  on  the  Mediterranean  and  connected 
by  a  canal  with  the  Nile,  thus  situated  most  advantageously 
for  commercial  enterprise.  Offering  the  Jews  civil  and 
religious  liberty,  many  of  them  accepted  Alexander's  in- 
ducements and  settled  there,  sharing  first  in  its  establish- 
ment and  later  in  its  extraordinary  culture,  wealth,  and 
distinction. 

243.  The  Conditions  Under  the  Seleucids.  Upon  the 
death  of  Alexander  (323),  when  his  empire  was  divided 
among  his  generals  and  successors,  the  Diadochoi,  Egypt, 
fell  to  Ptolemy  and  Syria  to  Antigonus.  But  this  partition 
of  the  empire  was  not  stable;  and  Syria,  as  in  former 
times,  became  the  bone  of  contention  between  two  rival 
parties.  During  the  first  forty  years  of  this  period  it 
changed  masters  no  fewer  than  eight  times,  belonging  first 
to  the  Seleucids  of  Syria  and  then  again  to  the  Ptolemies 
of  Egypt. 

Seleucus  I  divided  the  Syrian  part  of  his  dominion  into 
four  districts,  Coele-Syria,  in  the  narrower  sense ;  Phoenicia, 
including  the  coast  lands;  Samaria,  and  Idumaea.  Judaea 
was  a  part  of  the  last  district.  The  Jews  had  to  pay  an 
annual  tribute  of  300  talents  (about  $80,000),  for  which 
the  high  priest  was  responsible.  They  were  allowed  their 
own  civil  and  religious  government,  of  which  the  high 
priest  was  the  head,  supported  by  the  ''assembly  of  the 
elders,"  which,  upon  the  suggestion  of  their  Greek  over- 
lord, was  changed,  in  conformity  with  Greek  city  organiza- 
tions, into  an  aristocratic  senate.  The  condition  of  the 
Jews  was  at  this  time  favorable;  the  king,  who  founded  the 
city  of  Antioch  in  300  B.  C,  sought  to  gain  Jewish  citizens 
for  it  by  offering  them  privileges  equal  to  Macedonians  and 
Greeks  in  the  new  metropolis  (Antiquities,  xii,  3.  i). 
Josephus  narrates  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by  Ptolemy  I 


28o  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

in  320  B.  C.  (Antiquities,  xii,  i),  when  he  suddenly  came 
upon  it  on  a  Sabbath  day,  taking  advantage  of  the  fact 
that  the  Jews  would  not  fight  on  that  day.  Many  of  the 
Jews  were  carried  into  Egypt;  and  later  on  the  king  per- 
suaded many  others  to  settle  there.  It  would  appear  from 
the  efforts  that  these  rivals  made  to  obtain  them  that  Jewish 
citizens  proved  desirable  accessions. 

244.  The  Conditions  Under  the  Ptolemies.  With  the 
beginning  of  the  more  permanent  rule  of  the  Ptolemies 
(cir.  280)  Palestine  assumed  the  character  of  a  strongly 
fortified  province.  The  old  fortifications  were  strengthened 
and  new  ones  built ;  and  Greek  mercenaries  were  met  with 
in  every  direction  who  were  under  the  general  command 
of  a  military  governor.  But  the  Jewish  government  re- 
mained the  same  as  under  the  Seleucids.  Ptolemy  II 
(Philadelphus,  285-246)  treated  his  Jewish  subjects  with 
evident  favor.  Josejzthus  (Antiquities,  xii,  2)  ascribes  to 
him  the  liberation  of  a  laro^e  number  of  them  who  were 
held  as  slaves  in  his  dominion.  He  also  took  steps  to 
bring  about  the  translation  of  the  Jewish  scriptures  into 
Greek,  which  from  the  legend  that  it  was  done  by  seventy 
translators  came  to  be  called  the  Septuagint  (LXX),  or 
"Seventy." 

The  condition  of  the  Jews  under  Ptolemy  III  (Euergetes, 
246-221)  is  illustrated  by  an  interesting  story  of  Josephus 
(Antiquities,  xii,  4)  :  The  high  priest  Onias  II  failed  to  pay 
the  tribute  due  to  the  Egyptian  king,  who  threatened  the 
Jews  with  severe  punishment.  A  young  adventurer,  Joseph, 
who  was  the  nephew  of  the  high  priest,  succeeded  by 
flattery  and  intrigue  in  winning  the  favor  of  the  king  and  the 
right  to  collect  the  taxes,  which  was  let  out  to  the  highest 
bidder.  Aided  by  a  bodyguard  of  two  thousand  Egyptian 
soldiers,  he  started  to  collect  the  taxes.  Two  of  the  cities, 
Askalon  and  Scycopolis,  which  refused  his  unreasonable 
demands,  he  punished  by  executing  twenty  of  their  chief 
men.     Thus  he  broke  down  all  opposition,  and  succeeded 


JUDAISM  IN  CONTACT  WITH  HELLENISM     281 

in  obtaining  twice  the  amount  of  the  usual  tribute;  and 
securing  for  himself,  at  the  expense  of  the  population,  not 
only  the  favor  of  the  king  but  personal  wealth.  For  twenty- 
two  years  he  thus  practiced  extortion,  and  spent  his  wealth 
in  immoral  and  riotous  living.  His  illegitimate  son, 
Hyrcanus,  followed  in  his  father's  steps,  building  himself 
a  strong  castle  near  Heshbon,  and  plundering  the  east 
Jordan  province,  until  called  to  account  by  Antiochus  IV, 
when  he  committed  suicide  (175  B.  C). 

That  one  family  could  exert  such  pernicious  power  shows 
that  the  Egyptian  rulers  of  the  Jews  cared  only  that  their 
tribute  was  paid,  and  that  the  local  government  of  the  high 
priests  was  weak.  With  Ptolemy  IV  (Philopator,  221-204) 
the  decline  of  the  Ptolemies  in  Syria  begins.  He  was  dis- 
solute and  feeble.  Third  Maccabees  tells  of  his  attempt 
to  enter  the  LToly  of  Holies  of  the  temple  of  Jerusalem, 
from  which  he  was  hindered  by  divine  interposition,  and 
of  his  consequent  attempt  to  slay  all  the  Jews  of  Alex- 
andria, also  divinely  prevented;  but  the  story  is  obviously 
legendary,  and  whether  there  is  in  it  even  a  kernel  of 
truth  it  is  difficult  to  say. 

245.  The  Syrian  Conquest  of  Palestine.  The  Seleucids 
were  watchful  of  their  opportunity  to  get  control  of  Syria; 
and  it  came  with  the  rise  of  the  energetic  Antiochus  III 
(224-187),  called  the  Great,  who  after  a  defeat  succeeded  in 
wresting  Syria  and  Palestine  from  the  Ptolemies  in  a 
battle  at  the  sources  of  the  Jordan  (Banias)  in  198  B.  C. 
(Antiquities  xii,  3.  3f.). 

The  Jews  were  glad  of  the  change  of  masters,  and  when 
Antiochus  came  to  Jerusalem  they  gave  him  ready  assist- 
ance to  drive  out  the  Egyptians  from  the  citadel,  for  which 
he  in  return  generously  rewarded  them.  It  appears  from 
the  account  of  Josephus  that  the  Syrian  king  was  very  con- 
siderate to  their  religious  views,  not  only  allowing  them  to 
follow  their  law,  but  compelling  others  to  respect  it.  The 
king  also  aided,  with  his  own  advantage  in  view,  the  immi- 


282  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

gration  of  two  thousand  Jewish  famiUes  from  Babylonia 
and  their  settlement  in  Phrygia,  providing  them  with  the 
necessary  means  until  they  could  be  self-supporting. 

Seleucus  IV  (Philopator,  187-175),  son  and  successor 
of  Antiochus  the  Great,  is  reported  (2  Mace  3)  to  have 
sent  Heliodorus,  his  chancellor,  to  plunder  the  temple 
treasury  of  Jerusalem,  which  sacrilege  was  divinely  pre- 
vented :  ''For  there  was  seen  by  them  a  horse  with  a  ter- 
rible rider  upon  him,  and  adorned  with  beautiful  trappings, 
and  he  rushed  fiercely  and  smote  at  Heliodorus  with  his 
forefeet,  and  it  seemed  that  he  that  sat  upon  the  horse  had 
complete  armor  of  gold"  (v.  25).  The  legendary  character 
of  the  account,  which  has  been  beautifully  represented  by 
one  of  Rafael's  paintings  in  the  Vatican,  is  quite  obvious; 
but  that  it  might  rest  upon  fact  is  seen  when  we  consider  that 
the  Syrians  were  hard  pressed  for  funds  to  carry  on  their 
warfare,  and  that  Antiochus  the  Great  had  met  his  death 
in  the  attempt  to  rob  a  temple  treasure  at  Elymais,  at  the 
head  of  the  Persian  Gulf. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Consider  that  for  the  information  on  the  political  history  of 
the  Greek  Period  we  are  dependent  on  extra-biblical  sources,  chiefly 
Josephus  (see  Section  12)  and  be  sure  to  read  the  references  given. 

2.  Consider  the  effect  of  the  conquests  of  Alexander  the  Great 
on  the  condition  of  the  Jews  and  read  Josephus'  story  of  Alex- 
ander's visit  to  Jerusalem. 

3.  Read  the  references  to  Josephus  and  note  the  condition  of  the 
Jews  under  the  Seleucids. 

4.  Read  the  references  to  Josephus  and  consider  the  condition  of 
the  Jews  under  the  Ptolemies. 

5.  Read  the  references  to  Josephus  and  to  Second  Maccabees  and 
note  the  Syrian  conquest  of  Palestine. 

2.    The  Literature  of  the  Greek  Period 

zech9toi4  246.     The    Prophetic    Literature.      Internal    evidence 

favors  the  view  that  the  second  half  of  the  book  of  Zechariah 


JUDAISM  IN  CONTACT  WITH  HELLENISM     283 

reflects  the  Greek  period.  The  occasion  of  9.  i-io  was 
Alexander's  victory  at  Issus,  which  might  reawaken  hopes 
of  complete  restoration  and  Messianic  expectations;  9.  it 
to  II.  3,  with  its  promise  of  freedom  and  prosperity  and 
the  restoration  of  the  Jews  to  their  country  from  Assyria 
and  Egypt,  point  to  the  period  of  dispersion,  even  if  the 
reference  to  "Greece"  (9.  13)  be  regarded  as  an  interpola- 
tion, and  might  well  fit  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  III ;  while 
II.  4-17  with  13.  7-9,  directed  against  the  shepherds  who 
are  intent  only  to  fatten  themselves  on  their  flock,  and  12.  i 
to  13.  6  and  ch.  14,  holding  forth  the  hope  of  the  bright 
future  of  Judah  and  Jerusalem,  with  a  strong  emphasis 
upon  priestly  ideals  (14.  16-21),  indicate  a  time  when 
oppresoion  was  looked  for  to  give  way  to  a  reign  of  holy 
peace. 

These  chapters  picture  a  universal  judgment  and  have  isa24to27 
rightly  been  called  an  apocalypse.  Jehovah  punishes  the 
inhabitants  of  the  earth  for  their  sins  (24.  1-20)  ;  the 
kingdom  of  God  is  revealed  and  unites  all  peoples  upon 
Mount  Zion  (24.  21  to  25.  12)  ;  there  is  joy  over  Jehovah's 
help  and  the  hope  of  divine  retribution  (ch.  26)  ;  and  upon 
the  destruction  of  the  empires  of  the  world  follows  the 
gathering  of  Israel  from  all  corners  of  the  earth  (ch.  27). 
The  general  form  in  which  this  prophetic  message  is  pre- 
sented and  the  character  of  its  contents  both  point  to  a 
late  post-exilic  period,  and  particularly  the  Greek  age,  when 
the  Jews  had  occasion  to  look  broadly  upon  the  world  as 
its  enemy,  appears  the  most  appropriate  historical  back- 
ground. 

It  is  probably  during  this  period  that  the  writings  of  the 
prophets  were  finally  collected  and  formed  into  the  second 
part  of  the  canon  of  the  Hebrew  Bible — the  Prophets. 
And  it  appears  reasonable  that  this  final  editing  was  the 
occasion  of  the  insertion  of  those  shorter  and  longer  por- 
tions of  the  pre-exilic  prophetic  books  which  are  so  evi- 
dently post-exilic  in  tone;  as,  for  instance,  Amos  9.  8-15; 


284  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

Isa  II.  10  to  12.  6;  34f.;  Mic  7.  7-20;  Jer  10.  1-16,  25;  and 
other  passages. 

247.  The  Chronicler's  Ecclesiastical  History.  The 
books  of  Chronicles,  Ezra,  and  Nehemiah  constitute  one 
work,  as  has  already  been  pointed  out  (Section  7,  Para- 
graph 6).  That  it  is  the  product  of  the  Greek  age  is  clear 
from  the  fact  that  it  includes  in  its  list  of  high  priests  the 
name  of  Jaddua  (Neh  12.  11,  22),  who  was  the  high  priest 
at  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great.  This  work  is  the 
embodiment  of  the  priestly  conception  of  the  course  of 
Hebrew  history  as  viewed  from  the  last  stage  of  its  develop- 
ment. It  was  conceived  about  a  century  after  the  Priests' 
Code  had  become  the  rule  of  conduct  in  the  Jewish  com- 
munity. Its  point  of  view  is  the  same,  only  that  it  carries 
it  farther  down  as  to  time,  and  it  is  responsible  for  the 
view  of  Hebrew  history  that  has  prevailed  up  within  recent 
times.  It  is  of  exceeding  value  for  the  time  in  which  it 
was  written,  for  as  we  read  the  Chronicler's  idealization  of 
the  past  we  obtain  light  upon  the  conditions  and  ideals 
that  existed  in  his  own  day.  The  Levitical  interests  are  in 
the  foreground :  the  Law,  the  temple  service,  and  Jewish 
holiness  by  separation  are  the  central  ideas  of  the  theocracy 
which  he  represents.  The  lessons  that  he  illustrates  by  his 
method  of  history  are :  God's  purposes  in  history  are  reli- 
gious and  moral;  God  manifests  his  interest  in  the  course 
of  history  by  working  wonders  for  his  people;  and  the 
course  of  history  reveals  divine  judgments.  The  Chron- 
icler's work  is  thus  of  great  service  for  the  purpose  of 
illustrating  religious  and  moral  lessons. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Read  Zech  9  to  14,  mark  the  sections  in  your  Bible,  and  con- 
sider the  light  the  messages  throw  on  Jewish  conditions  during  the 
Greek  Period, 

2.  Read  Isa  24  to  27  in  like  manner. 

3.  Look  up  the  passages  in  the  prophetic  books  regarded  as  post- 
exiUc  and  consider  their  tone  and  outlook. 


JUDAISM  IN  CONTACT  WITH  HELLENISM     285 

4.  Obtain  a  general  view  of  the  contents  of  Chronicles  by  survey- 
ing it  with  the  aid  of  the  headings  and  note  on  what  phases  of 
Hebrew  history  emphasis  is  put. 


3.    The  Wisdom  Literature  and  Its  Ideals 

248.  The  Wisdom  Literature.  As  one  of  the  results 
of  Jewish  intercourse  with  a  wider  world  and  the  conflicts 
it  brought  them  we  must  consider  the  rise  and  development 
of  thought  embodied  in  the  Wisdom  Literature.  One  speci- 
men of  it  we  have  already  considered  in  the  book  of  Job 
(Section  236).  The  contact  with  the  Greeks  had  a  stimu- 
lating effect  upon  Jewish  thinking;  but  it  produced  not 
philosophy  in  the  Greek  sense,  but  a  type  peculiar  to  the 
Jewish  genius  for  religion :  an  attempt  at  a  complete  and 
consistent  religious  conception  of  the  world,  and  particularly 
in  its  application  to  the  practical  needs  of  the  individual's 
life  (Section  10).  Its  motto  was,  "The  fear  of  Jehovah 
is  the  beginning  of  wisdom" ;  that  is,  Faith  in  the  provi- 
dence of  God  and  obedience  to  his  will,  the  basis  of  a  well- 
ordered  moral  life.  In  a  somewhat  more  speculative  sense 
wisdom  meant  the  ability  to  solve  the  riddles  of  human 
existence  and  act  correspondingly.  Now  that  prophecy  had 
ceased,  the  dominance  of  the  Law  produced  two  new  func- 
tions :  the  interpreter  of  the  Law,  the  scribe,  and  the 
interpreter  of  life,  the  sage;  and  it  was  the  mission  of  the 
latter  to  teach  "wisdom." 

249.  The  Book  of  Proverbs.  A  glance  at  the  sub- 
headings of  the  book  of  Proverbs  (10.  i;  24.  23;  25.  i; 
30.  i;  31.  i)  reveals  at  once  that  it  is  not  so  much  the 
work  of  a  single  author  as  a  collection  of  contributions  on 
a  similar  subject  by  various  authors.  Neither  is  it  to  be 
supposed  that  they  all  originated  at  the  same  time,  but, 
rather,  that  they  are  the  products  of  several  centuries, 
covering  the  Greek  and  Persian  periods,  and  extending  in 
simpler  collections  even  farther  back.     But  while  some  of 


286  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

the  aphorisms  are  so  general  as  to  be  timeless,  there  are 
others  that  reveal  clearly  the  divers  and  cosmopolitan  life 
of  the  Greek  period.  There  are,  for  instance,  in  the  col- 
lection three  long  sections  (5;  6.  20-35;  7)  which  deal 
with  the  dangers  of  the  unchaste  life,  and  in  other  sections 
there  are  references  to  the  same  subject,  connected  with 
drunkenness  and  debauchery  (23.  26-35;  3^-  ^~9)>  ^^1  of 
them  representing  the  temptations  to  social  vice  frequent 
in  city  life.  Of  similar  character  are  the  repeated  warn- 
ings against  evil  companions  (i.  8-19;  22.  24f.;  4.  10-19; 
compare  Psa  i.  i)  who  seek  to  prosper  by  deeds  of  violence. 
The  praise  of  wisdom  (3.  13-26)  and  the  striking  contrasts 
between  wisdom  and  folly  (ch.  9)  seek  to  glorify  virtue  and 
debase  vice.  The  purpose  of  the  whole  is  to  inculcate  the 
chief  social  virtues,  such  as  industry,  thrift,  discretion, 
honesty,  chastity,  and  kindness. 

250.  The  Book  of  Ecclesiasticus.  As  throwing  light 
upon  the  life  and  thought  of  the  Greek  period  of  unsur- 
passed value  is  the  work  of  Jesus,  the  son  of  Sirach  (Ben- 
Sira),  called  Ecclesiasticus,  or  The  Wisdom  of  Jesus,  the 
son  of  Sirach,  placed  among  the  Apocrypha.  The  author 
was  a  native  of  Jerusalem,  who  lived  most  probably  in  the 
time  of  the  high  priesthood  of  Simon  II  (cir.  218-198 
B.  C.)  ;  he  had  traveled  considerably,  was  a  thoughtful 
observer  and  good  judge  of  human  nature,  and  he  wrote  his 
observations  and  the  philosophic  meditations  resulting  from 
them  for  the  instruction  of  others.  His  work  is  closely 
related  to  the  book  of  Proverbs  both  in  form  and  content, 
and  it  might  well  be  regarded  as  the  evolution  of  the  essay 
out  of  the  proverb.  Its  high  ethical  tone  has  given  it  great 
esteem  in  the  Jewish  and  Christian  churches,  who  have 
regarded  it  as  Scripture.  The  latter  expressed  its  esteem 
of  the  book  by  caUing  it  Ecclesiasticus,  that  is,  the  ''Church 
Book."  Within  recent  times  it  was  known  only  in  the 
translations  from  the  original  Hebrew;  but  since  1896 
fragments  of  the  original  Hebrew  text  have  been  found  in 


JUDAISM  IN  CONTACT  WTI  il  HELLENISM     287 

Egypt,  covering  nearly  one  half  of  the  book,  adding  a  new 
zest  to  its  study. 

Its  contents  in  broad  outlines  are:  i.  Prologue  by  the 
grandson  of  the  author,  who  translated  the  work  into  Greek 
(cir.  135  B.  C).  2.  The  essence  of  Wisdom  and  its  prac- 
tical ends  (1-16.  2^).  3.  God  in  creation  and  man's  rela- 
tion to  him  (16.  24  to  23.  2y),  4.  Wisdom  and  the  Law 
(24.  I  to  33.  18).  5.  Man's  righteousness  (33.  19  to  36.  17). 
6.  Precepts  for  social  life  (36.  18  to  39.  11).  7.  The 
creation  and  man's  place  in  it  (39.  12  to  42.  14).  8.  Praise 
to  God  for  the  creation  and  the  history  of  Israel,  in  which 
its  leaders  are  briefly  characterized,  including  the  high 
priest  of  the  author's  own  time  (42.  15  to  50.  29).  9.  A 
prayer,  a  psalm,  and  a  poem  (51.  1-30).  It  will  be  ob- 
served that  Ecclesiasticus  is  more  systematic  and  compre- 
hensive than  Proverbs.  It  deals  in  general  with  the  same 
moral  qualities,  but  goes  more  into  detail  in  the  treatment 
of  social  relations,  and  it  is  quite  evident  that  the  author 
intended  that  his  treatise  should  be  a  sort  of  textbook  for 
the  guidance  of  the  people  of  his  time  in  the  various 
circumstances  of  life. 

251.  The  Book  of  Ecclesiastes.  The  author  of  Ecclesi- 
astes  was  most  probably  a  somewhat  earlier  contemporary 
of  Ben-Sira;  but  instead  of  writing  in  his  own  name  he 
preferred  to  put  his  thoughts  and  experiences  in  the  mouth 
of  King  Solomon,  who  had  by  this  time  become  idealized 
into  a  paragon  of  wisdom;  but  the  language  and  subject- 
matter  leave  it  beyond  reasonable  doubt  that  we  have  here 
a  product  of  the  Greek  age  and  the  problems  the  thoughtful 
Jew  of  this  time  had  to  face. 

Influenced  by  the  Greek  spirit  of  inquiry  and  seeing  the 
inequalities  of  life,  he  expresses  his  general  conclusion  by 
the  exclamation:  *' Vanity  of  vanities,  says  Ecclesiastes, 
vanity  of  vanities,  all  is  vanity!  What  result  has  man 
from  all  his  effort  under  the  sun?  .  .  .  There  is  nothing 
better  for  a  man  than  that  he  should  cat  and  drink,  and 


288  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

enjoy  himself  in  his  effort"  (i.  2f.,  24).  But  this  pessimism 
and  epicureanism,  though  extensively  carried  through  the 
entire  book,  is  not  the  ultimate  conclusion  of  the  author. 
It  is  true  that  he  pictures  fully  and  feels  intensely  the 
evident  injustices  of  life;  but  it  does  not  lead  him  to  give 
up  his  faith  in  God  or  the  moral  order  of  the  world.  God 
has  made  the  world  good,  but  man  makes  it  bad.  God's 
ways  are  unfathomable,  but  he  is  nevertheless  just.  Man 
is  helpless  over  against  the  regular  and  monotonous  world 
order.  The  best  thing  for  him  to  do  in  an  evil  time  is  to 
take  the  evil  with  patience  as  a  providence  of  God,  enjoy 
the  good  gifts  of  God,  and  remember  that  he  is  responsible 
to  God.  The  book  is  thus  the  product  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment religion;  and  in  spite  of  a  pessimistic  outlook  holds 
fast  to  faith  in  God.  It  should  be  observed,  however,  that 
some  scholars  hold  that  the  book  is  not  a  unit,  but  that  the 
pessimistic  element  has  been  counteracted  by  later  addi- 
tions expressing  a  more  religious  attitude. 

252.  The  Psalms  of  Reflection.  Similar  in  tone  and 
content  to  the  Wisdom  Literature  are  the  psalms  contain- 
ing reflections  on  the  moral  order  of  the  world:  9-1 1;  14; 
36f.;  39;  49;  52;  62;  73;  75;  82;  92;  104;  139.  When 
read  in  the  light  of  the  historical  conditions  of  the  Persian 
and  Greek  periods  they  reveal  the  same  struggles  of  faith, 
the  dark  outlook,  and  the  sufferings  of  the  righteous,  but 
also  the  same  high  ethical  ideals  and  spiritual  hopes. 

253.  The  Religious,  Moral,  and  Social  Ideals  of  the 
Wisdom  Literature.  It  is  evident  that  the  sages  formed 
a  distinct  class  of  religious  teachers  differing  from  the 
prophet,  the  priest,  or  scribe.  The  difference  from  the 
prophet  is  obvious,  for  the  sage  is  clearly  the  product  of 
the  priestly  period.  He  originated  with  the  emphasis  upon 
the  Law,  which  in  its  many-sidedness  called  for  differences 
of  accent ;  to  the  priest  fell  the  ritual  and  liturgical  aspects ; 
to  the  scribe,  legal  aspects;  but  to  the  sage,  the  moral 
aspects  of  universal  truth. 


JUDAISM  IN  CONTACT  WITH  HELLENISM     289 

The  religion  of  the  sage  as  compared  with  that  of  the 
prophet  lacks  spiritual  warmth;  he  betrays  nothing  of  the 
consciousness  of  the  nearness  of  God  which  is  so  charac- 
teristic of  the  prophet.  He  is  in  this  respect  like  the  priest, 
localizing  the  Deity  in  the  sanctuary  (Ecclus  24.  10),  but 
otherwise  conceiving  of  him  as  enthroned  in  the  distant 
heaven  as  the  sole  agent  in  the  control  of  the  world  (Job  22. 
I2ff. ;  Eccl  5.  2;  Psa  11.  4).  The  sages  have  very  little  to 
say  of  ritualism;  they  take  religious  customs  for  granted, 
recognize  the  propriety  of  observing  them,  but,  like  the 
prophets,  they  do  not  regard  them  as  of  value  as  moral 
principle. 

The  most  striking  characteristic  of  the  sages  is  their 
moral  emphasis;  they  bring  the  ethical  ideals  of  the  Old 
Testament  to  the  highest  point  of  development,  and  they 
aim  to  contribute  to  the  establishment  of  a  safe,  peaceful, 
happy  social  life,  in  the  family  and  the  community.  They 
not  only  seek  to  show  the  wickedness  and  folly  of  the 
coarser  violations  of  the  ethical  demands  of  the  Decalogue, 
as  perjury,  theft,  robbery,  and  murder;  or  the  excellence 
of  justice  in  the  courts  of  law  and  honesty  and  truthful- 
ness in  business  life;  but  the  finer  virtues,  if  we  may  so 
distinguish  them,  are  inculcated,  as:  modesty  (Prov  11.  2; 
Ecclus  3.  17,  18,  20);  self-control  (Prov  14.  29;  16.  32; 
Eccl  7.  9 ;  Ecclus  22.  2y  to  23.  6)  ;  industry  over  against 
sloth  (Prov  6.  6-1 1 ;  Ecclus  22.  if.)  ;  temperance  in  eating 
and  drinking  (Prov  23. 20; Ecclus  18.  30  to  19)  ;  avoidance  of 
slander,  gossip,  and  the  unbridled  use  of  the  tongue  (Prov 
6.  12-16,  19;  Ecclus  5.  II  to  6.  i;  28.  13-26);  chastity 
(Prov  22^.  26i.;  Ecclus  18.  30  to  19.  3)  ;  considerateness  to- 
ward the  poor  and  needy  (Prov  22.  2;  Ecclus  7.  32-36); 
kindness  and  love,  even  to  an  enemy;  over  against  revenge 
(Prov  10.  12;  17.  9;  24.  I7f. ;  3.  3;  12.  10);  forgiveness 
(Ecclus  28.  2)  ;  and  returning  goodness  for  evil  (Prov 
25.  2if.).  The  family  ideals  are  very  high;  monogamy 
seems  to  be  assumed;  and  woman  as  v/ife,  mother,  and 


290  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

housewife  is  held  in  highest  honor,  and  shares  it  equally 
with  man  (Prov  31.  10-31). 

4.    Secular  Poetry  and  the  Influence  of  Hellenism 

254.  The  Song  of  Solomon.  After  centuries  of  en- 
deavor to  find  the  origin  and  meaning  of  this  rather  strange 
book,  opinions  are  gradually  crystallizing  into  the  view 
that  the  book  is  composed  of  a  number  of  lyrics  whose 
object  was  to  sing  the  song  of  human  love.  The  language 
of  the  book  points  clearly  to  a  Persian  or  a  Greek  age. 
Attention  has  been  called  to  the  rather  striking  similarities 
between  these  lyrics  and  those  of  the  Greek  author  Theo- 
critus, who  wrote  about  250  B.  C.  If  such  a  dependence 
were  certain,  it  would  aid  the  determining  of  the  dates 
of  the  lyrics.  But  we  cannot  be  far  astray,  if  we  regard 
them  as  the  product  of  the  Greek  age;  and  see  in  them 
another  effect  of  Greek  environment  upon  the  Jewish  mind, 
expressing  itself  in  its  own  way. 

255.  The  Influence  of  Hellenism.  The  policy  of  Alex- 
ander the  Great  and  his  successors  to  bring  eastern  and 
western  civiHzation  together,  had  its  marked  effect  upon 
the  Jews.  In  Palestine  Greek  cities  had  sprung  up  both 
on  the  east  and  west  sides  of  the  Jordan :  Hippos,  Gadara, 
Pella,  Gerasa,  Philadelphia,  Samaria,  Ptolemais,  Appolonia. 
Joppa,  Askelon,  Ashdod,  and  Gaza  constituted  a  girdle 
of  Hellenistic  cities  encircling  the  whole  of  Palestine. 
Everywhere  in  his  own  land  the  Jew  met  the  Greek  language, 
Greek  art  and  architecture,  Greek  dress,  customs,  and 
thought.  Outside  of  Palestine  in  the  so-called  Dispersion, 
whether  in  Egypt,  Syria,  Phrygia,  or  elsewhere,  he  was 
thus  equally  enveloped  in  Greek  spirit.  He  learned  to 
speak  Greek ;  his  Scriptures  had  been  translated  into  Greek ; 
and  he  learned  to  read  not  only  his  own  Scriptures  but 
other  literature  in  Greek  and  to  think  Greek  thoughts. 
Whether  he  would  or  not  he  found  himself  surrounded 
by  the  subtle  and  fascinating  Greek  influence. 


JUDAISM  IN  CONTACT  WITH  HELLENISM     291 

But  the  effect  varied  and  produced  a  threefold  attitude. 
One  class,  known  as  the  Chasidim,  or  'Tious,"  regarded 
Greek  contact  as  contaminating;  they  were  the  true  suc- 
cessors of  Nehemiah  and  Ezra  the  scribe  of  the  Law;  they 
believed  it  to  be  their  duty  to  build  a  fence  around  the 
Law  and  themselves;  and  the  effect  Greek  contact  had  on 
them  was  to  make  them  all  the  more  exclusive.  The  second 
class  was  more  liberal  and  was  represented  by  such  man 
as  Ben-Sira,  the  author  of  Ecclesiasticus.  They  allowed 
Greek  influence  to  broaden  their  horizon  and  from  a  new 
point  of  view  to  discuss  their  problems.  But,  while  they 
adopted  Greek  forms  and  ideas,  they  remained  still  Jews, 
conscious  of  their  priceless  religion  and  moral  heritage, 
and  true  to  Jewish  faith  and  morals,  but  giving  new  ex- 
pression to  them.  There  was,  however,  a  third  class,  which 
openly  abandoned  Judaism,  like  Joseph  the  taxgatherer,  and 
learned  to  practice  none  of  the  virtues  but  all  of  the  vices  of 
Greek  heathenism.  The  last  class  was  dangerously  growing, 
and  it  brought  to  Judaism  the  crisis  of  its  very  existence. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Consider  the  general  character  of  the  Wisdom  Literature  and 
its  origin. 

2.  Obtain  a  general  view  of  the  contents  of  the  book  of  Proverbs 
by  means  of  the  headings.  Study  the  references  given  and  note  its 
main  teachings. 

3.  Read  the  book  of  Ecclesiasticus  in  the  Apocrypha  with  the  aid 
of  the  outline  given  in  the  textbook  and  note  its  moral  and  religious 
teachings. 

4.  Read  the  book  of  Ecclesiastes  with  the  aid  of  the  headings, 
note  its  general  tone  and  consider  it  in  the  light  of  its  historical 
origin. 

5.  Note  well  the  high  ideals  of  the  Sage  and  compare  them  with 
those  of  the  priests  and  prophets. 

6.  Consider  the  character  of  the  Song  of  Solomon,  reading  selec- 
tions with  the  aid  of  the  headings  and  compare  it  with  Psalm  45, 
noting  the  heading. 

7.  Consider  the  varied  influence  of  Hellenism  on  Judaism. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

JUDAISM    IN   CONFLICT   WITH   HELLENISM 
(The  Maccabean  Period,  1/3-6^  B.  C.) 

I.    The  Crisis  of  Judaism 

256.  The  Biblical  Sources.  As  an  indication  of  the 
epoch-making  influence  upon  Jewish  history  of  this  period, 
is  the  fact  that  we  now  again  come  upon  considerable 
biblical  literature  which  furnishes  us  with  historical  data, 
namely,  the  book  of  Daniel,  and  First  and  Second  Macca- 
bees. The  book  of  Daniel  records  the  experiences  of  Daniel 
and  three  other  youthful  Hebrews  who  were  carried  cap- 
tive by  Nebuchadrezzar  to  Babylon  in  597  (Dan  i  to  6), 
and  of  the  visions  which  Daniel  saw  (7  to  12).  But  it  has 
become  generally  evident  that  that  is  only  a  literary  form, 
peculiar  to  apocalyptic  literature,  of  which  this  book  is 
one  of  the  best  illustrations.  The  internal  evidence  which 
the  book  presents  for  its  origin  during  the  period  now  under 
consideration  is  briefly  stated:  Chapter  11.  5-20  is  a  brief 
but  correct  synopsis  of  the  history  of  the  Ptolemies  and 
Seleucids,  and  21-39  3-  detailed  account  of  the  reign  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  and  his  persecution  of  the  Jews  on 
account  of  their  religion.  With  this  as  a  certain  starting 
point  it  becomes  clear  that  8.  9-14,  23-26;  7.  8,  19-27; 
2.  31-34,  40-43  are  concerned  with  the  reigns  of  the  Dia- 
dochoi  and  chiefly  with  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  in  whom  the 
author's  interest  centered  and  culminated.  Now,  it  is  his- 
torically more  probable  that  the  author  lived  in  the  time  of 
which  he  writes  than  that  he  should  know  and  write  of  it 
four  centuries  in  advance  of  the  events.     Taking,  then,  the 

292 


IV         14         »    _| 
KENT  AND   MAOSEN 

HISTORICAL  MAPS 

SHEET   V 


34°  3Q' 

Tl><  MMtiadln.B<,ok  CosMta.  N»w  Yuiuiad  CiHT 


Longitude 


Cciji.aM  ix/e  ><iJ  iki::,  br  ChuUa  fMui  ilmi. 

PALESTINE  DURING  THE  GREEK  AND  ROMAN  PERIODS 


JUDAISM  IN  CONFLICT  WITH  HELLENISM    293 

book  as  produced  in  this  period,  it  becomes  a  valuable 
source  for  the  history  of  the  period.  First  Maccabees  is  a 
source  of  highest  value  for  the  period  from  the  accession 
of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  to  the  death  of  the  high  priest 
Simon,  that  is,  from  175  to  135  B.  C.  Second  Maccabees 
consists  of  different  elements:  i  to  2.  18,  contain  two  letters 
concerning  the  feast  of  Dedication,  of  altogether  doubtful 
authenticity;  these  are  followed  by  the  author's  preface  to 
his  history,  stating  that  his  work  is  an  abridgment  of  the 
five  books  of  Jason  of  Cyrene  (2.  18-32)  ;  chs.  3  to  15  deal 
with  the  period  from  Seleucus  IV  to  the  death  of  Nicanor, 
that  is,  from  187-161  B.  C,  starting  thus  earlier  than  First 
Maccabees,  and  continuing  only  as  far  as  i  Mace  7.  50. 
But  while  treating  of  the  same  events,  the  historical  value 
is  far  inferior;  the  author  evidently  writes  mainly  for 
religious  edification ;  but  he  nevertheless  throws  an  inter- 
esting light  upon  the  period. 

257.  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  If  the  process  of  Hellen- 
ization  had  been  allowed  to  have  its  natural  flow,  the  proba- 
bilities are  that  Judaism  would  not  have  become  the  only 
exception  to  succumb  to  it.  But  as  it  happened,  the  very 
attempt  to  hasten  the  process  resulted  in  a  revolt  that  saved 
Judaism,  and  gave  it  a  new  force  and  growth.  The  chief 
agent  to  bring  about  this  result  was  Antiochus  IV  Epiphanes 
(175-164  B.  C).  He  was  the  son  of  Antiochus  the  Great 
and  the  successor  of  his  brother  Seleucus  IV,  and  of  such 
erratic  temperament  that  his  appellative  Epiphanes,  the 
"Illustrious,"  was  changed  into  Epimanes,  the  "Madman." 
His  desire  for  spreading  Hellenic  culture  was  most  in- 
ordinate; and  when  the  Romans  had  balked  him  in  effort 
to  subdue  Egypt  he  returned  to  Syria  to  vent  his  chagrin 
upon  the  Jews  in  the  effort  of  forcing  them  into  Greek 
life  and  religion. 

258.  The  Hellenistic  Jewish  High  Priests.  Antiochus 
was  aided  in  his  endeavor  by  the  high  priests  who  were  his 
own  appointees.     Since  the  Persian  period  the  high  priest 


294 


OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 


Ecclus  50.  1-29 


2  Mace  4.  7-50 


z  Mace  I 

2  Mace  s.  z  to  6. 

iz 


had  become  the  civil  as  well  as  the  religious  head  of  the 
Jewish  community;  and  though  the  Gerousia,  a  senate  of 
elders,  shared  his  authority,  he  was  personally  responsible 
for  the  payment  of  the  taxes,  which  made  the  office  one  of 
dependence  upon  the  foreign  ruler.  It  was  this  relation 
between  high  priest  and  king — the  temptation  to  designing 
and  unscrupulous  men  to  buy  the  king's  favors  and  yield 
to  his  wishes — that  helped  to  bring  about  the  crisis  of 
Judaism  through  Antiochus  Epiphanes. 

The  high  priests  up  to  this  time  had  been  faithful  to 
their  trust  as  guardians  of  the  Law  and  proud  and  zealous 
defenders  of  their  ancestral  religion.  Ben-Sira  could  sing 
the  praises  of  the  high  priest  Simon  II,  who  '4n  his  days 
strengthened  the  temple."  His  successor  Onias  III,  who 
was  the  high  priest  when  Antiochus  Epiphanes  came  upon 
the  throne,  evidently  belonged  to  the  same  pious  party. 
But  the  unscrupulous  element  of  the  Hellenistic  party, 
represented  by  the  family  of  Joseph  the  taxgatherer,  had 
by  now  grown  sufficiently  strong  to  make  the  effort  to  get 
the  high  priesthood  under  their  control.  Evidently  aided 
by  them  (confer  Josephus,  Antiquities  xii,  5.  i),  Jason 
succeeded  in  getting  Onias  III  deposed  and  himself  ap- 
pointed in  his  place.  All  this  was  accomplished  by  the  gift 
of  large  sums  of  money  to  the  king  with  the  promise  to 
aid  him  in  Hellenizing  Jerusalem.  A  Greek  gymnasium 
was  built  in  Jerusalem;  the  priests  neglected  the  temple 
services  to  attend  the  games;  and  the  high  priest  even  sent 
three  hundred  drachmas  of  silver  to  Tyre  for  a  sacrifice 
to  Hercules.  After  three  years  a  certain  Menelaus  suc- 
ceeded in  supplanting  Jason  by  larger  gifts  to  the  king. 
Menelaus  showed  even  greater  zeal  to  forward  the  Hellen- 
izing of  the  Jews,  and  even  conspired  to  have  Onias  mur- 
dered, because  he  had  rebuked  his  ungodly  zeal  in  the 
interest  of  the  foreign  customs  (confer  Dan  9.  26',  II.  22). 

259.  The  Religious  Persecutions.  Taking  occasion  in 
the  strife  between  Jason  and  Menelaus,  Antiochus  Epiph- 


JUDAISM  IN  CONFLICT  WITH  HELLENISM    295 

anes,  on  his  return  from  Egypt  (170  B.  C),  came  with  his 
army  against  Jerusalem,  slew  thousands  of  Jews,  and  plun- 
dered the  rich  treasures  of  the  temple.  Two  years  later 
(168)  he  came  again  on  his  return  from  Egypt,  after  the 
Roman  general  had  drawn  a  circle  around  him,  and  bade 
him  to  submit  to  the  Senate's  decision  to  give  up  the  con- 
quest of  Egypt  or  take  the  consequences,  and  to  make  up 
his  mind  before  he  stepped  out  of  the  circle.  He  decided 
to  yield,  but  he  made  the  Jews  suffer  for  the  rancor  of  his 
soul.  It  appears  that  nothing  short  of  the  total  abolition 
of  the  Jewish  religion  was  planned.  The  three  most  dis- 
tinctive features  of  Judaism,  circumcision,  the  observance 
of  the  Sabbath  day,  and  abstinence  from  the  eating  of 
swine's  flesh,  were  absolutely  prohibited  on  the  pains  of 
death.  Antiochus  appointed  the  chief  fiscal  agent,  Appolo- 
nius,  to  carry  out  the  plan.  His  orders  were  that  Jerusalem 
should  be  made  a  Greek  city.  With  view  to  these  inno- 
vations, the  city  should  be  strongly  fortified  by  the  building 
of  a  citadel;  the  inhabitants  that  would  not  yield  should 
be  strenuously  dealt  with:  the  men  killed,  women  and 
children  sold  as  slaves,  and  Greeks  brought  in  to  take 
their  places.  The  climax  of  the  program  was  reached  with 
the  building  of  an  altar  to  the  Olympic  Zeus  on  the  site  of 
the  Hebrew  altar;  and  on  the  25th  of  Kislev,  December, 
168  B.  C,  the  first  sacrifice  of  a  swine  was  offered  within 
the  sacred  precincts  of  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  the  act 
being  called  by  the  pious  *'the  abomination  of  desolation" 
(Dan  II.  31 ;  12.  11 ;  compare  Mark  13.  14). 

260.  The  Jewish  Martyrs.  It  was  now  that  Jewish  ^  Mace  6.  12  ta 
faith  and  morals  were  put  to  a  bitter  test,  but  came  forth 
most  glorious  victors.  The  martyr  stories  of  this  time 
read  like  Foxe's  Book  of  Martyrs,  and  they  portray  as 
noble  a  religious  heroism  as  the  best  in  early  church  or 
Reformation  history.  The  author  of  Second  Maccabees 
furnishes  us  with  two  of  these  stories  of  the  aged  Eleazar, 
and  of  the  mother  and  her  seven  sons,  all  of  whom  most 


7.4a 


296  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

heroically  suffered  tortures  and  death  rather  than  even  by 
dissimulation  betray  their  faith.  It  is  evident  that  the 
heathen  worship  involved  licentious  and  immoral  practices 
(2  Mace  6.  4)  as  formerly  that  of  Baalism,  and  that  the 
Jewish  champions  defended  social  purity  as  weH  as  reli- 
gious faith. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Consider  the  date  of  the  writing  of  the  book  of  Daniel  and 
its  character  as  a  source  of  history. 

2.  Obtain  a  general  view  of  the  contents  of  First  and  Second 
Maccabees  and  compare  their  value  as  historical  sources. 

3.  Consider  the  purpose  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  and  account 
for  the  willing  cooperation  of  the  Jewish  high  priests.  Look  up  the 
references. 

4.  Read  the  accounts  of  the  religious  persecutions  and  of  the 
Jewish  martyrs  and  note  the  Jewish  religious  enthusiasm. 

2.  The  Book  of  Daniel 

261.  The  Origin  and  Content  of  the  Book.  It  v^as  out 
of  this  period  of  religious  persecution  that  the  book  of 
Daniel  came  with  its  mission  to  aid  the  faithful  in  their 
conflict.  It  is  an  apocalypse,  which  means  a  "revelation." 
The  characteristic  of  this  form  of  prophecy  is  that  the 
author  views  his  own  time  from  a  distance;  it  represents  a 
crisis  in  history.  The  description  is  highly  symbolic;  it 
predicts  the  overthrow  of  the  ungodly  and  the  victory  of 
the  righteous,  and  its  purpose  is  to  encourage  those  who 
are  being  tried  by  persecution.  The  discovery  of  the  nature 
of  this  species  of  biblical  literature  has  thrown  a  flood  of 
light  upon  the  understanding  of  the  book  of  Daniel,  and 
when  read  in  the  light  of  the  persecutions  under  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  the  essential  features  of  the  book  become  per- 
fectly intelligible.  Its  two  central  thoughts  are:  (i)  God 
will  rescue  and  reward  those  who  refuse  to  yield  to  the 
temptation  to  deny  their  Jewish  faith  by  deflHng  them- 
selves with  eating  forbidden  food  or  worshiping  heathen 


JUDAISM  IN  CONFLICT  WITH  HELLENISM    297 

gods;  and  (2)  the  power  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  will  be 
broken,  and  the  kingdom  of  God  established.  The  first 
thought  is  illustrated  by  the  story  of  Daniel  and  the  three 
young  Hebrew  captives  who  thrive  by  abstaining  from  the 
defiling  food  of  the  king's  table  and  Hve  on  herbs  and 
water  (Dan  i);  by  the  story  of  Daniel's  superior  wisdom 
by  which  he  announces  the  successive  rise  and  fall  of  four 
world  empires — the  Babylonian,  the  Median,  the  Persian, 
and  the  Greek — and  their  overthrow  by  the  coming  kingdom 
of  God,  and  by  the  stories  of  the  deliverance  of  the  three 
youths  from  the  fiery  furnace  and  of  Daniel  from  the  lions' 
den,  and  the  humiliation  of  the  powerful  king  (chs.  3  to 
6).  The  second  thought  is  illustrated  by  a  series  of  four 
visions  in  which  the  dream  of  chapter  2  is  developed. 
Under  the  symbols  of  ''four  beasts"  the  ''ancient  of  days," 
and  the  "son  of  man,"  Jewish  history  is  traced  through 
the  Babylonian,  Median,  Persian,  and  Greek  periods,  cul- 
minating in  the  persecutions  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  to 
be  superseded  by  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom  of  God 
through  the  agency  of  a  heavenly  messenger,  the  guardian 
angel  of  Israel  (ch.  7).  A  second  vision  under  the  symbols 
of  a  ram  with  two  horns  and  a  he-goat  with  a  succession  of 
horns,  describes  the  overthrow  of  the  Median  and  Persian 
empires  by  Alexander  the  Great,  the  rise  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  and  the  desecration  of  the  temple,  lasting  a 
limited  time  (ch.  8).  A  third  vision  aims  to  explain  Jere- 
miah's perplexing  prediction  of  the  seventy  years  of  cap- 
tivity by  taking  the  seventy  years  to  represent  seventy 
weeks  of  years,  that  is,  four  hundred  and  ninety  years. 
The  outlook  again  culminates  in  the  time  of  stress  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes,  when  the  daily  sacrifices  cease  and 
the  altar  to  Zeus  is  erected,  followed  by  the  establishment 
of  the  kingdom  of  God  (ch.  9).  The  fourth  vision  (chs.  10 
to  12)  is  virtually  a  survey  of  the  history  from  Alexander 
to  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  without  names  and  dates,  which 
when  these  are  supplied,  becomes  a  very  valuable  historical 


298  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

document.  After  an  elaborate  introduction  describing  how 
the  information  is  revealed  (lo.  i  to  ii.  i),  the  history 
begins  with  the  conquest  of  Persia  by  Alexander  and  the 
division  of  his  empire  into  four  parts  after  his  death  (ii. 
2-4).  Hints  are  given  of  the  relations  of  the  Ptolemies 
and  Seleucids,  mentioned  as  kings  of  the  south  (Egypt) 
and  north  (Syria)  respectively.  Verse  5  refers  to  Ptolemy  I 
and  his  subordinate  Seleucus  I;  v.  6,  to  the  marriage  of 
Antiochus  H  to  Bernice,  daughter  of  Ptolemy  II,  and  the 
alliance  which  was  the  result,  but  which  failed  of  its  pur- 
pose because  Antiochus  H  was  poisoned  by  his  former 
wife,  and  Bernice  and  her  child  and  adherents  murdered. 
Verses  7-9  relate  to  the  successes  of  Ptolemy  HI,  brother 
of  Bernice,  against  Seleucus;  vv.  10-19  give  the  history 
of  Antiochus  the  Great,  with  allusions  to  his  defeat  at 
Raphia,  his  victory  at  Banias,  the  favor  with  which  the 
Jews  regarded  him,  and  the  marriage  of  his  daughter 
Cleopatra  to  Ptolemy  V  to  obtain  control  of  Egypt,  his 
defeat  by  the  Romans,  and  his  violent  death.  Verse  20 
relates  to  Seleucus  IV,  whose  death  was  the  result  of  a 
plot  by  his  general  Heliodorus.  Verses  21-45  ^^^1  with 
the  reign  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  in  greatest  detail.  He 
is  described  as  a  despicable  person  who  obtained  his  king- 
dom by  intrigue,  overcame  all  opposition,  set  aside  "the 
prince  of  the  covenant"  (Onias  III),  and  reigned  by  the 
power  of  bribes  (vv.  21-24).  His  first  invasion  of  Egypt 
succeeds  and  ends  in  the  plunder  of  Jerusalem  (vv.  25-28). 
His  second  invasion  is  frustrated  by  the  interference  of 
the  Romans,  whence  he  turns  with  anger  against  Jerusalem 
and  is  aided  by  Jewish  apostates  (vv.  27-30).  The  sanctuary 
is  defiled,  the  offerings  cease,  an  abominable  altar  to  Zeus 
is  erected  (v.  3 if.).  Many  are  led  to  deny  their  faith, 
while  others  remain  steadfast,  but  suffer  persecution  and 
martyrdom ;  a  little  help  comes,  but  the  trials  of  martyrdom 
are  needed  to  refine  the  community  (vv.  33-35)-  His 
arrogance  and  viciousness  grow;  he  gives  up  his  own  reli- 


JUDAISM  IN  CONFLICT  WITH  HELLENISM    299 

gion,  and  his  end  comes  after  a  victory  in  Egypt,  while  he 
is  encamped  on  the  PhiHstine  plain  (vv.  36-45).  Then 
after  all  the  trials,  the  Messianic  age  will  come;  the  dead 
will  rise  to  receive  their  fitting  rewards  or  punishments; 
the  pious  teachers  (Chasidim)  who  have  helped  many  to 
turn  to  righteousness  shall  have  a  special  reward  (12.  1-3). 
The  apocalypse  closes  with  final  instructions  (vv.  4-12). 

262.  Its  Character  and  Purpose.  The  perusal  of  the 
book  reveals  clearly  its  practical  purpose  to  encourage  to 
faithfulness  those  who  were  tempted  by  persecution  to  give 
up  their  faith  and  pure  life.  But  this  practical  message 
is  conveyed  in  a  form  that  has  greatly  influenced  the  reli- 
gious and  national  hopes  not  only  of  Judaism  but  also  of 
Christianity.  From  henceforth  the  apocalyptic  element  be- 
comes strongly  prominent  in  the  outlook  for  the  future. 
Out  of  it  have  come  the  whole  series  of  eschatological 
conceptions:  the  conflict  between  God  and  Satan,  good  and 
evil  angels ;  the  coming  Judgment  Day,  which  divides  the 
world  into  the  age  that  now  is  and  that  which  is  to  come; 
the  bodily  resurrection,  the  heavenly  character  of  the 
Messiah,  and  heaven  and  hell. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Read  Dan  i  to  6  and  note  how  the  lesson  of  faithfulness  to 
religious  faith  and  customs  is  enforced, 

2.  Read  the  first  vision  (ch.  7),  note  its  relation  to  chapter  2, 
and  its  character  as  a  synopsis  of  history. 

3.  Read  the  second  and  third  visions  (ch.  8f)  in  the  same  manner. 

4.  Read  the  fourth  vision  (chs.  10  to  12)  with  the  aid  of  the 
outline  in  the  textbook. 

5.  Consider  the  character  and  purpose  of  the  book  of  Daniel  as 
a  whole. 

3.    The  Maccabean  Uprising 

263.  The  Revolt  of  Mattathias  and  His  Sons.    In  this   '  ^^'^^^  ^-  '"^^ 
crisis   of   Judaism   it   was   religious    faith   and   enthusiasm 

that  dared  to  undertake  what  might  humanly  speaking  have 
been  considered  as  the  impossible,  to  withstand  the  Syrian 


300  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

oppression.  The  revolt  originated  with  Mattathias,  a  priest 
hving  at  Modein,  about  sixteen  miles  northwest  of  Jeru- 
salem, and  his  five  sons,  John,  Simon,  Judas,  Eleazar,  and 
Jonathan,  each  of  whom  played  an  important  part  in  sub- 
sequent history.  The  occasion  was  when  the  royal  official 
had  come  to  call  to  the  heathen  sacrifice.  Mattathias  re- 
fused to  participate,  killed  a  Jew  who  was  sacrificing  and 
also  the  official,  broke  the  altar  to  pieces,  and  fled  with 
his  sons  into  the  mountains.  The  extreme  zeal  for  the 
Law  made  fighting  on  the  Sabbath  day  unlawful.  But 
when  some  of  the  fugitives,  who  were  pursued  by  the 
Syrians,  allowed  themselves  with  wives  and  children  to  be 
totally  exterminated  rather  than  fight  on  the  Sabbath,  the 
party  of  Mattathias  took  action  to  declare  self-defense  on 
the  Sabbath  lawful.  A  company  of  Hasideans  (Chasidim) 
now  joined  the  fugitives ;  and  they  moved  about  the  country, 
killing  Jewish  apostates,  breaking  down  the  heathen  altars, 
forcibly  circumcising  Jewish  children,  and  stirring  up  the 
spirit  of  revolt. 

1  Mace  3. 1-37.  264.  Judas  Maccabeus.     Upon  the  death  of  his  father, 

Mattathias,  Judas,  with  the  surname  Maccabee,  the  "Ham- 
merer," became  leader  of  the  movement,  distinguishing  him- 
self by  energy  and  enthusiasm.  He  defeated  the  Syrians 
under  Appolonius,  slaying  him  personally,  and  appropriating 
his  sword,  which  he  carried  in  all  the  future  battles.  Again 
he  defeated  them  under  Seron  at  Bethhoron.  When 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  went  on  his  Persian  expedition  he 
appointed  Lysias  as  regent,  leaving  him  half  of  his  army, 
and  ordering  him  to  utterly  root  out  the  revolting  Jews. 
35  *"  3- 38  to  4.       Lysias   sent   forty-seven   thousand   soldiers   into   Judaea, 

2  Mace  8.  8-36;  placing  Ptolemy,  Nicanor,  and  Gorgias  as  generals  over 
them.  The  Syrians  encamped  near  Emmaus,  and  so  sure 
were  they  of  victory  that  slave  traders  accompanied  them 
to  carry  off  the  Jewish  captives.  Judas  collected  his  troops 
at  Mizpeh ;  and  what  they  lacked  in  equipment  and  numbers, 
they  made  up  in  holy  enthusiasm.     While  a  detachment 


II.  I  to  12.  I 


JUDAISM  IN  CONFLICT  WITH  HELLENISM    301 

under  Gorgias  was  in  search  of  Judas  the  latter  attacked 
the  main  army  at  Emmaus,  and  defeated  it;  and  when 
Gorgias  on  his  return  learned  of  the  defeat,  he  fled  to 
PhiHstia;  and  Judas's  victory  was  complete  (165  B.  C). 
The  following  year  Lysias  himself  came  into  Judaea  with  a 
still  larger  army.  At  Bethzur,  south  of  Jerusalem,  Judas 
met  him  with  an  inferior  force ;  but  defeated  him,  and  drove 
him  back  to  Syria. 

265.  The  Restoration  of  the  Temple  Service.     Judas  i  Mace  4. 36-61; 

.  .  *^  2  Mace  10.  1-9 

now  could  give  his  attention  to  Jerusalem.  Although  the 
citadel  was  still  occupied  by  Syrian  soldiers,  he  could  keep 
them  in  check,  while  he  set  to  work  to  reestablish  the  divine 
service  according  to  the  Law.  He  removed  every  vestige 
of  heathenism,  purified  all  that  had  been  defiled  by  its 
contact,  tore  down  the  pagan  altar  and  built  a  new  one. 
Exactly  three  years  after  the  temple  had  been  defiled  by 
the  ofifering  of  the  first  heathen  sacrifice  the  regular  Jewish 
sacrifices  were  again  begun  to  be  offered,  December,  165 
B.  C.  The  celebration  that  accompanied  it  has  perpetuated 
itself  in  Chaniika  or  the  feast  of  Dedication  (confer 
John  10.  22),  to  our  own  day,  the  Jews  celebrating  it  about 
Christmastime  by  the  symbolic  kindling  of  lights  for  eight 
days.  Judas  further  took  measures  to  fortify  Jerusalem  and 
Bethzur  against  attacks  from  Idumsea.  The  crisis  of  Juda- 
ism had  thus  been  successfully  passed,  but  the  struggle  was 
by  no  means  over. 

266.  The  Jews  of  Egypt.  In  most  striking  contrast 
with  the  Seleucids  was  the  treatment  that  the  Ptolemies 
of  Egypt  accorded  to  the  Jews.  Instead  of  hindering  them 
in  the  pursuit  of  their  religious  customs,  they  even  aided 
them.  When  the  Jewish  high  priest,  Onias  IV,  was  driven 
from  Jerusalem,  in  170  B.  C,  he  came  to  Egypt.  Here  he 
was  welcomed  and  aided  to  build  a  Jewish  temple  at  Leonto- 
polis  in  the  nome  of  Heliopolis  by  Ptolemy  IV,  which  was 
patterned  after  the  temple  of  Jerusalem  (compare  Section 
190).    This  action  load  important  bearings  upon  the  develop- 


302  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

ment  of  Judaism  in  the  pre-Christian  centuries,  supplying 
it  with  its  more  liberal  tendencies. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Read  the  passage  in  i  Mace  relating  to  the  family  of  Mattathias 
and  their  zeal  for  orthodox  Judaism. 

2.  Read  the  passages  in  i  and  2  Mace  relating  to  the  earlier  wars 
of  Judas  and  follow  his  movements  on  the  map. 

3.  Consider  the  origin  of  the  feast  of  Dedication  and  its  historical 
significance. 

4.  Note  the  condition  of  the  Jews  in  Egypt. 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE  RULE  OF  THE  MACCABEAN   PRIESTS 

I.  The  Reestablish ment  of  Religious  and  National 

Independence 

267.  The  Wars  of  Judas.    The  success  of  Judas  stirred   i  Mace  5; 
up  the  envy  of  the  petty  enemies  surrounding  the  Jews,   jg.  u,  j.^g 
which  showed  itself  in  the  cruel  maltreatment  of  Jewish 

people  who  dwelt  in  their  midst.  The  cry  for  help  from  his 
oppressed  brethren  could  not  go  unheeded.  He  was  thus 
forced  to  take  up  arms  against  the  Edomites,  Joppa  and 
Jamnia,  the  Ammonites,  Gilead  and  Galilee.  He  severely 
punished  the  offenders ;  and  where  he  could  not  provide  pro- 
tection against  future  attacks,  as  in  Galilee  and  Gilead,  he 
transferred  the  whole  Jewish  population  to  Judaea.  While 
Judas  and  his  brother  Simon  were  absent  on  their  mission 
of  help  occurred  the  first  defeat  of  the  Jewish  forces. 
Joseph  and  Azarias,  who  had  been  left  in  charge  of  the 
army  in  Judaea,  attempted  against  the  strict  orders  of  Judas 
to  engage  the  Syrian  forces  under  Gorgias  at  Jamnia;  and 
were  defeated.  But  Judas  soon  made  good  the  loss  by 
the  capture  of  Hebron  from  the  Edomites  and  Ashdod 
(Azotus)  in  the  Philistine  plain,  destroying  the  emblems 
of  pagan  worship. 

268.  The  Establishment  of  Religious   Liberty.     But   ^  Mace  6; 

A        •       1  T-    •    1  111-1^   Mace  9.   1-29; 

now  serious  reverses  began.    Antiochus  Epiphanes  had  died   10.  9-13;   13.  i- 
on  his  expedition  to  Persia  (164  B.  C.),  and  had  appointed 
Philip  as  regent.    But  Lysias,  who  was  the  guardian  of  the 
heir  to  the  throne,  Antiochus  V  Eupator,  assumed  the  con- 
trol of  the  empire ;  and  being  urged  by  the  Syrian  garrison 

303 


22 


304  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

of  the  citadel  of  Jerusalem  and  the  Hellenistic  party  of 
Jerusalem  to  come  to  their  help  against  Judas,  he  mobilized 
a  vast  army,  and  invaded  Judasa  from  the  south.  Judas's 
army  was  defeated  at  Beth-zacharias,  his  brother  Eleazar 
killed,  Bethzur  taken,  and  Jerusalem  invested.  All  seemed 
lost.  But,  strange  to  say,  Lysias  now  offered  Judas  most 
favorable  terms  of  peace.  Philip,  his  rival,  had  returned 
from  Persia,  and  was  at  the  doors  of  Antioch;  and  Lysias 
was  anxious  to  return.  He  offered  Judas  absolute  reli- 
gious liberty,  on  which  terms  the  latter  was  ready  to  submit ; 
for  though  it  left  Judaea  still  subject  to  Syria,  it  brought 
them  the  prize  for  which  they  had  fought  for  five  years — 
the  right  to  worship  the  God  of  their  fathers  according  to 
the  Law.  The  attempt  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  had  failed, 
and  the  Jews  were  no  longer  threatened  by  that  danger. 
An  important  consequence  was  that  Jewish  struggles  against 
the  Syrians  became  henceforth  political  rather  than  religious. 

1  Mace  7;  269.   The  High  Priest  Alcimus.    A  change  of  kings  in 

Syria  brought  to  the  Jews  a  renewed  conflict.  Demetrius, 
son  of  Seleucus  IV,  who  had  been  held  as  hostage,  escaped 
from  Rome,  seized  the  Syrian  throne,  and  had  Antiochus  V 
and  Lysias  slain.  The  Hellenistic  party,  with  the  priest 
Alcimus  as  leader,  won  over  to  them  the  new  king,  who 
appointed  Alcimus  high  priest,  and  sent  Bacchides  with  an 
army  to  establish  him  in  Jerusalem.  Judas,  who  saw  the 
danger  of  Hellenism  in  Alcimus,  opposed  him,  and  was 
gaining  on  him,  when  the  former  applied  once  more  to 
Demetrius  for  help.  But  Nicanor,  who  was  sent,  was  killed 
in  the  battle  of  Adasa,  and  his  army  defeated,  leaving  Judas 
master  of  the  situation. 

I  Mace  8. 1  to  9.  270.  Judas's  Alliance  with  Rome,  and  His  Death. 
Realizing  the  need  of  outside  help  to  cope  with  the  Syrian 
power,  Judas  sought  alliance  with  Rome,  which  was  granted ; 
and  the  announcement  of  the  alliance  was  sent  to  Demetrius 
as  a  warning.  But  it  arrived  too  late.  Within  two  months 
of  the  death  of  Nicanor,  Demetrius  sent  a  strong  force  into 


32 


RULE  OF  THE  MACCABEAN  PRIESTS      305 

Judaea  under  Bacchides.  The  Jews  were  frightened  by  the 
overwhelming  size  of  tke  army  and  deserted  Judas.  In  the 
battle  of  Berea,  probably  about  nine  miles  north  of  Jeru- 
salem, Judas  with  but  a  handful  of  faithful  followers  was 
defeated  and  himself  slain  (161  B.  C). 

Judas  was  one  of  the  greatest  of  the  Maccabees  and  one 
of  the  great  heroes  of  Old  Testament  history.  He  was  a 
courageous  and  zealous  champion  of  religion  and  morality: 
the  best  product  of  the  priestly  period,  somewhat  like  the 
scrupulous  and  pious  Puritan  warriors  of  the  times  of 
Oliver  Cromwell.  His  one  great  achievement  for  which 
he  must  ever  be  remembered  was  that  he  fought  for  and 
won    religious    freedom    for   his    people    (confer    i    Mace 

3.  3-9). 

271.    Jonathan  and  the  Beginnings  of  Political  Inde-   1  Mace  9. 23-73 

pendence.  Jonathan  was  chosen  to  succeed  in  leadership 
upon  the  death  of  his  brother  Judas.  He  bore  the  surname 
Aphus,  which  in  Syriac  signifies  the  ''Diplomat" ;  and  it 
characterizes  the  means  by  which  he  advanced.  The  first 
two  years,  while  Alcimus  the  high  priest  lived,  he  had  to 
content  himself  with  carrying  on  a  guerrilla  warfare  against 
the  Syrians  under  Bacchides,  who  supported  Alcimus.  But 
upon  the  latter's  death  Bacchides  made  peace  with  Jonathan, 
who  set  up  an  independent  rule  at  Michmash,  and  carried 
on  an  aggressive  movement  against  the  Hellenistic  party. 

In  the  struggle  for  the  Syrian  throne  between  Alexander  '  ^^^^  ^°'  ^~^ 
Balas,  a  low  pretender,  and  Demetrius,  Jonathan  sided  him- 
self with  the  first.  Each  of  the  rivals  outbid  the  other 
with  granting  favors.  Demetrius  gave  Jonathan  authority 
to  collect  an  army  to  aid  the  king.  Jonathan  upon  this 
took  possession  of  Jerusalem,  without  committing  himself 
to  help  the  Syrian  king.  Alexander  Balas  surpassed 
Demetrius  by  appointing  Jonathan  high  priest.  Jonathan 
promptly  accepted  the  office,  and  became  formally  the  chief 
ruler  of  the  Jews  (153  B.  C).  When  Demetrius  heard 
that  Jonathan  was  favoring  his  rival  he  offered  him  still 


I  Mace  10.  67  to 
II.  19 


306  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

greater  privileges,  as  exemptions  from  taxes  and  three 
Samaritan  districts.  Jonathan  refused  to  yield  to  the  temp- 
tation, and  as  subsequent  events  proved,  wisely,  for  Alex- 
ander defeated  Demetrius,  who  lost  his  life,  and  became 
king  of  Syria  (150  B.  C).  In  the  same  year  Jonathan  was 
still  more  highly  honored  by  Alexander  Balas.  At  Ptole- 
mais,  the  wedding  took  place  between  Cleopatra  Ptolemy, 
Philometor's  daughter,  and  Alexander  Balas.  The  Egyptian 
king  was  present  and  Alexander  appointed  Jonathan  civil 
and  military  governor  of  Judaea,  and  made  him  sit  by  his 
side.  What  Judas  had  fought  for  and  not  obtained  in  spite 
of  his  strenuous  efforts,  Jonathan  had  granted  to  him  by 
favor ;  and  the  efforts  of  the  Hellenistic  party  to  discredit 
him  with  Alexander  failed. 

During  the  subsequent  changes  in  the  Syrian  succession, 
Jonathan  employed  the  same  diplomatic  skill  to  advance 
the  Jewish  cause.  He  took  the  side  of  Alexander  against 
Demetrius  II,  defeated  the  latter's  forces  under  Appolonius 
in  the  Philistine  plain,  and  received  from  the  former  the 
I  Macc.ii.  20-74  (.[^y  Qf  Ekron  as  a  reward.  When  Demetrius  II  became 
king  of  Syria  Jonathan  felt  himself  strong  enoug^h  to 
demand  from  him  what  Demetrius  I  had  offered  him, 
namely,  the  three  Samaritan  districts,  Ephraim,  Lydda,  and 
Ramathaim,  and  exemption  of  all  taxes,  which  the  Syrian 
king  dared  not  to  refuse.  When  with  Tryphon,  who  had 
secured  control  over  Alexander  Balas's  young  son  Antiochus, 
another  aspirant  to  the  Syrian  throne  arose,  Jonathan  found 
it  profitable  to  aid  Demetrius  II,  on  condition  that  he  would 
remove  the  Syrian  garrison  from  the  citadel  of  Jerusalem. 
But  when  Demetrius  kept  not  his  promise  Jonathan  went 
over  to  the  side  of  Tryphon  and  Antiochus,  who  granted 
him  all  that  Demetrius  had  promised,  and  even  more,  for, 
in  addition  to  leaving  Jonathan  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
chief  of  the  considerably  enlarged  Judaea,  he  appointed  his 
brother  Simon  military  governor  of  the  country  from  the 
Ladder  of  Tyre  to  the  borders  of  Egypt. 


14.  49 


RULE  OF  THE  MACCABEAN  PRIESTS      307 

272.  The  End  of  Jonathan.     The  two  brothers  now   i  Mace  la.  i  to 
conjointly  made  their  power  felt  from  Hamath  in  the  north   *^*  ^** 

to  Bethzur  in  the  south.  Jonathan  even  renewed  his  brother 
Judas's  friendly  relation  with  Rome.  But  Tryphon,  who  as- 
pired to  the  Syrian  throne,  deemed  Jonathan's  growth  in 
power  dangerous.  Under  the  guise  of  a  friendly  confer- 
ence he  decoyed  him  to  come  to  Ptolemais.  Here  he  seized 
him  and  held  him  prisoner,  exacting  heavy  tribute  on  his 
release,  but  never  releasing  him,  and  ultimately  treacherously 
murdering  him  (142  B.  C). 

273.  Simon  and  the  Establishment  of  National  Inde-  i  Mace  13.  31  to 
pendence.  The  Maccabean  movement  had  begun  with 
the  endeavor  to  free  the  Jewish  religion  from  restraint. 
Judas  had  accomplished  that  task.  But  the  Maccabeans 
soon  felt  that  unless  their  state  was  free  also,  their  religion 
would  be  dominated  by  Hellenistic  influences.  It  was  Jona- 
than's task  to  more  fully  secure  the  freedom  of  religion 
by  working  for  the  independence  of  the  state.  It  was  now 
Simon's  task  and  glory  to  make  the  Jewish  state  and  reli- 
gion fully  independent.  He  had  been  chosen  his  brother's 
successor  as  high  priest.  He  first  made  various  well-directed 
efforts  to  strengthen  the  fortifications.  He  next  turned 
from  the  treacherous  Tryphon  to  Demetrius  II,  who  was 
only  too  willing  to  forget  and  forgive  the  past,  and  accept 
the  fealty  of  Simon,  and  to  reward  him  most  generously. 
The  Jewish  state  was  declared  fully  exempt  from  taxes, 
and  by  that  action  its  political  independence  was  acknowl- 
edged. The  event  was  signalized  by  taking  it  as  the  era 
whence  to  date  time,  and  by  the  coinage  of  Hebrew  money. 
Simon  also  succeeded  for  the  first  time  in  getting  possession 
of  the  Jerusalem  citadel,  the  Acra.  The  period  that  fol- 
lowed was  remarkable  for  its  general  peace  and  prosperity,, 
as  well  as  for  the  pious  zeal  with  which  the  Law  was 
observed.  For  the  time  being  the  priestly  ideal  of  the 
theocracy  had  been  realized.  In  grateful  recognition  of 
what  had  been  accomplished  by  the  Maccabeans,  or  Has- 


3o8  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

moneans,  the  office  of  high  priest  was  formally  made  legiti- 
mate and  hereditary  in  their  family  by  official  action  of  the 
representatives  of  the  people,  and  Simon  was  declared  to  be 
high  priest,  civil  governor,  and  military  leader  of  the  nation, 
"for  ever,  until  there  should  arise  a  faithful  prophet" 
(i  Mace  14.  41).  It  seems  quite  probable  that  Psa  no  is 
the  product  of  this  time  and  celebrates  this  great  event  in 
Jewish  history;  for  at  no  other  time  can  there  be  found  a 
personage  that  so  well  deserved  to  be  sung  as  combining 
in  him  the  three  great  qualities  of  priesthood,  kingship, 
and  martial  glory. 

The  declaration  of  Jehovah  to  my  lord; 

Sit  thou  (enthroned)  on  my  right  hand, 

Until  I  make  thy  enemies  the  stool  of  thy  feet. 

Jehovah  will  extend  thy  strong  scepter  out  of  Zion, 

Rule  thou  in  the  midst  of  thy  enemies. 

Thy  people  volunteer  for  the  day  of  thy  army  on  holy  mountains, 

From  the  womb  of  the  morn  hast  thou  the  dew  of  thy  youths. 

Jehovah  has  sworn  and  will  not  repent : 

"Thou  art  a  priest  forever,  after  the  manner  of  Melchizedek." 

The  Lord  is  at  thy  right  hand, 

He  smites  kings  in  the  day  of  his  wrath. 

He  sits  in  judgment  among  the  nations, 

He  fills   (the  land)  with  dead  bodies, 

He  smites  the  head  of  a  great  land, 

From  the  brook  by  the  way  he  will  drink. 

Therefore  will  he  lift  up  his  head. 

I  Mace  rs;  16  274.    The  Death  of  Simon.     The  reign  of  Simon  was 

made  distinguished  also  by  a  treaty  with  Rome.  And  when 
Antiochus  VII  endeavored  to  regain  control  over  the  Jewish 
state  he  met  with  a  successful  resistance  from  Simon.  But 
it  was  a  cruel  and  warlike  age,  and  Simon  was  not  to  die  a 
peaceful  death.  His  own  son-in-law,  Ptolemy,  seeking  to 
make  himself  ruler  of  Judaea,  treacherously  slew  the  aged 
Simon  and  two  of  his  sons  at  a  banquet ;  one,  John  Hyrkanus, 
his  son  and  successor,  succeeded  in  escaping  from  a  like 
fate. 


RULE  OF  THE  MACCABEAN  PRIESTS      309 

With  Simon  passed  away  the  last  of  the  five  great  sons 
of  Mattathias,  by  whom  Judaism  was  not  only  saved  from 
annihilation  but  developed  into  a  political  power  not  unequal 
to  that  of  David  and  Solomon. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Read  the  passages  relating  to  the  wars  of  Judas  and  follow  his 
movements  on  the  map. 

2.  Read  the  references,  note  by  what  means  Judas  obtained  reli- 
gious liberty  for  the  Jews,  and  consider  the  importance  of  his 
achievement. 

3.  Note  the  causes  of  the  revival  of  Hellenism. 

4.  Note  the  beginnings  of  the  interest  of  Rome  in  Jewish  affairs. 

5.  Estimate  the  character  and  achievement  of  Judas. 

6.  Read  the  references  and  note  by  what  means  Jonathan  fur- 
thered the  cause  of  the  political  liberty  of  the  Jews. 

7.  Consider  the  achievement  of  Simon  and  review  what  the  sons 
of  Mattathias  accomplished  altogether  for  their  nation. 

2.    The  Conflicts  between  Pharisees  and  Sadducees 

275.  The  Rise  of  the  Parties  of  the  Pharisees  and 
Sadducees.  The  movements  of  historical  events  crystal- 
lized certain  tendencies,  which  during  this  time  had  become 
definite  enough  to  assume  distinct  names,  namely,  Pharisees 
and  Sadducees,  so  familiar  in  New  Testament  times.  The 
Pharisees  were  the  product  of  the  emphasis  upon  the  Law 
and  the  spiritual  descendants  of  the  scribe  Ezra.  Before 
the  Maccabean  uprising  they  were  known  as  the  Chasidim 
(Hasideans)  or  *Tious";  and  the  Maccabees  themselves 
belonged  to  that  circle  of  thought.  It  stood  for  Jewish 
nationalism  under  the  Law.  In  striking  contrast  with  it  was 
the  Jewish  element  that  had  more  liberal  tendencies  toward 
outside  culture.  In  a  milder  form  it  was  willing  to  change 
Judaism  to  correspond  with  Hellenic  culture ;  but  in  the 
extreme  form  it  was  ready  to  aid  the  efforts  of  an  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  to  displace  the  Jewish  religion  by  that  of  the 
Greek.  The  Maccabean  revolt  did  away  with  the  latter 
extreme.    What  was  left  now  was  the  milder  form  of  the 


310  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

friendliness  toward  Hellenism,  which  was  represented  by 
the  aristocratic  members  of  the  priestly  families  of  the 
Zadokites  (sons  of  Zadok  the  high  priest,  Ezek  40.  46), 
hence  called  Sadducees.  The  opposite  tendency  of  the 
antagonism  to  Greek  culture  took  form  in  the  Pharisees, 
who,  as  their  name,  the  "Separatists,"  indicates,  would  have 
nothing  to  do  with  it ;  and  pursued  on  principle  an  exclusive 
policy.  The  Chasidim,  from  whom  the  Pharisees  sprang, 
were  a  strictly  religious  party,  taking  an  active  part  in 
politics  only  when  their  religion  was  in  danger.  So  when 
Judas  had  obtained  religious  freedom  their  interest  in  the 
further  struggles  waned  and  they  gave  him  but  an  indif- 
ferent, or  no,  support  in  his  and  his  followers'  attempts  to 
secure  political  freedom.  This  was  also  the  attitude  of  the 
Pharisees.  They  were  no  political  party,  but  a  religious 
sect,  intent  on  living  most  scrupulously  according  to  the 
strictest  interpretation  of  the  Law.  The  Sadducees,  on  the 
other  hand,  had  definite  political  aspirations ;  and  they 
sought  to  further  them  by  gaining  foreign  royal  favor  in 
aiding  the  spread  of  Greek  culture  among  the  Jews.  The 
ruling  party  of  the  Maccabees  or  Hasmoneans  had  natur- 
ally Pharisaic  predilections,  but  in  time  their  desire  for 
political  freedom  outstripped  their  religious  interests;  and 
when  the  Pharisees  failed  to  give  'them  support  they  did 
subsequently  make  common  cause  with  the  Sadducees. 

276.  John  Hyrcanus  and  the  National  Growth.  The 
biblical  material  now  begins  to  fail  us,  and  we  are  dependent 
mainly  upon  Josephus  (Antiquities  xiii,  8-10).  The  rule  of 
John  Hyrcanus  (135-104  B.  C.)  was  long,  and  from  the 
point  of  view  of  material  progress,  highly  prosperous.  He 
asserted  over  against  the  Syrians  Jewish  independence,  and 
his  alliance  with  the  Romans  aided  him  therein.  He  sub- 
dued the  Samaritans  and  destroyed  their  temple  on  Mount 
Gerizim.  The  Idumseans  he  forced  into  accepting  Judaism. 
The  boundaries  of  the  Jewish  state  were  as  extended  as  in 
the  most  prosperous  days  of  Solomon.    But  the  latter  part 


RULE  OF  THE  MACCABEAX  PRIESTS      311 

of  his  reign  was  marred  by  his  break  with  the  Pharisees, 
who  cast  a  slur  upon  his  birth  by  suggesting  that  his  mother 
had  been  a  captive  in  the  days  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
and  that,  if  he  would  be  absolutely  conscientious  in  the 
observance  of  the  Law,  he  should  resign  from  the  high 
priesthood,  and  content  himself  with  the  civil  office.  This 
angered  him  so  that  he  became  the  opponent  of  the  Pharisaic 
orthodoxy  and  advanced  the  spread  of  the  liberalism  of 
the  Sadducees,  thus  preparing  for  conditions  of  New  Testa- 
ment times. 

277.  The  Later  Hasmonean  Rulers.  Aristobulus  I, 
the  son  of  John  Hyrcanus,  who  ruled  but  one  year  (104- 
103  B.  C),  was  the  first  of  the  Hasmoneans  to  assume  the 
title  king  (Josephus,  Antiquities  xiii,  11).  His  Hebrew 
name  was  Judah,  which  he  changed  into  the  Greek  Aristo- 
bulus, indicating  his  tendencies  toward  Hellenism,  the 
spread  of  which  he  favored.  This,  however,  did  not  prevent 
him  from  forcing  the  inhabitants  of  Galilee  into  Judaism. 
In  order  to  secure  his  throne  he  starved  his  mother  to 
death  in  prison,  imprisoned  his  brothers,  and  through 
jealousy  caused  the  death  of  his  best-beloved  brother.  His 
family  tragedies  mark  a  decided  degeneration  in  morals 
and  genuine  piety,  and  indicate  the  trend  toward  national 
dissolution,  which,  as  in  the  days  of  the  Hebrew  monarchy, 
was  caused  by  moral  weakness. 

278.  Alexander  Jannaeus  (103-76  B.  C.),  the  oldest 
brother  of  Aristobulus,  is  a  further  illustration  of  the  down- 
ward tendency  of  the  ruling  Hasmoneans  (Josephus, 
Antiquities  xiii,  12-15).  His  numerous  military  expedi- 
tions lacked  in  sufficient  moral  force  to  win  him  the  aid 
of  the  Pharisees,  who  had  no  sympathy  with  mere  wars 
of  conquest.  The  spectacle  of  the  warrior  high  priest 
engaged  in  what  they  considered  needless  bloodshed,  and 
profligate  in  life,  embittered  them.  It  found  expression  on 
a  festival  occasion  of  the  feast  of  Tabernacles,  when  the 
people  pelted  him  with  the  citrons  used  in  the  ceremonial, 


312  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

while  he  was  engaged  in  the  temple  service.  He  retaliated 
by  ordering  his  soldiers  to  fall  upon  the  multitude,  and 
six  hundred  were  slain  (Josephus,  Antiquities  xiii,  13.  5). 
The  antagonism  developed  into  civil  war,  and  Alexander, 
who  was  victorious,  punished  the  Pharisees,  according  to 
Josephus,  in  the  most  barbarous  fashion  in  the  world. 
While  he  was  publicly  feasting  in  Jerusalem  with  his  mis- 
tresses, he  ordered  eight  hundred  of  them  to  be  crucified, 
and  while  they  were  yet  living,  the  throats  of  their  wives 
and  children  cut  before  their  eyes  (xiv,  2).  His  own  end 
came  through  a  sickness  brought  on  by  his  drunkenness. 
Alexander  Jannseus  had  succeeded  in  extending  the  boun- 
daries of  the  Jewish  state  beyond  that  of  his  predecessors. 
In  the  south  it  included  Idumaea;  in  the  north,  Seleucia, 
by  the  waters  of  Merom;  the  coast  cities  were  all  under 
Jewish  sway,  except  Askalon;  and  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Jordan  he  had  captured  even  such  Greek  cities  as  Hippos, 
Gadara,  Pella,  Dium,  and  others.  But  his  vicious  char- 
acter outweighed  his  material  successes;  and  his  reign 
brought  no  permanent  good. 

279.  Alexandra  (76-67  B.  C.),  Alexander  Jannaeus's 
widow,  became  his  successor  by  his  will,  and  she  appointed 
her  oldest  son,  Hyrcanus,  high  priest  (Josephus,  Antiquities 
xiii,  16).  It  appears  that  Alexander  had  learned  before 
his  death  the  mistake  he  had  made  in  antagonizing  the 
Pharisees,  and  advised  his  widow  to  favor  them.  The  reign 
of  Alexandra  was  consequently  the  golden  age  of  Pharisa- 
ism. They  were  the  supreme  power  in  the  state,  and  the 
laws  that  had  been  abrogated  in  the  two  previous  reigns 
were  reinstated.  The  Gerousia  had  now  again  come  into 
power  as  a  governing  body,  composed  of  both  Pharisees 
and  Sadducees  but  with  a  predominance  of  the  former. 
Alexandra's  younger  son,  Aristobulus,  represented  the  latter, 
and  even  before  the  death  of  Alexandra  had  succeeded  in 
gathering  their  strength  around  him,  and  was  well  on  his 
way  of  seizing  the  government. 


RULE  OF  THE  MACCABEAN  PRIESTS      313 

280.  Aristobulus  II  (67-63  B.  C),  immediately  upon 
the  death  of  his  mother,  took  forcible  measures  to  wrest  the 
government  from  his  brother  Hyrcanus  II,  who  as  the 
elder  brother  and  occupant  of  the  high  priesthood,  was 
the  legitimate  heir.  The  struggle  for  the  throne  between 
these  two  brothers  ultimately  resulted  in  the  loss  of  Jewish 
independence  to  the  Romans. 

Aristobulus  succeeded  in  making  Hyrcanus  resign  in  his 
favor  both  the  kingship  and  priesthood.  But  Antipater,  an 
Idumasan,  the  father  of  him  who  later  became  Herod  the 
Great,  undertook  to  defend  the  cause  of  the  deposed 
Hyrcanus  by  advising  him  to  flee  for  protection  and  aid  to 
Aretas,  king  of  the  Nabateans.  Aretas  invaded  Judaea  in 
the  interest  of  Hyrcanus,  defeated  Aristobulus,  and  drove 
him  to  take  refuge  in  the  temple  stronghold. 

281.  Pompey's  Capture  of  Jerusalem.  It  was  at  this 
point  that  the  Romans  began  to  take  a  more  direct  part  in 
Jewish  history.  Pompey,  who  was  victoriously  marching 
through  Asia,  sent  Scaurus  into  Syria  in  65  B.  C.  Both 
brothers  appealed  to  him  for  aid;  he  espoused  the  side  of 
Aristobulus,  and  made  Aretas  give  up  the  siege  of  Jeru- 
salem. When  Pompey  had  come  to  Damascus  both  brothers 
and  representatives  of  the  people  appeared  before  him. 
Hyrcanus  complained  to  him  that  his  brother  had  deprived 
him  of  the  right  of  succession;  Aristobulus  gave  the  in- 
efficiency of  his  brother  as  the  reason  for  his  ambition, 
while  the  people  pleaded  for  the  restoration  of  the  old 
order,  the  abrogation  of  the  monarchy,  and  government  by 
the  high  priest  only.  Pompey  deferred  action  until  he 
should  come  to  Judaea.  But  the  warlike  actions  of  Aristo- 
bulus forced  him  to  go  against  him,  which  resulted  in  the 
capture  of  Jerusalem,  during  which  many  Judaeans  lost 
their  lives.  He  appointed  Hyrcanus  high  priest  over  a 
much  reduced  Jewish  state,  and  took  Aristobulus  and  his 
family  captive  to  Rome.  Thus  Judaea  after  only  eighty 
years  of  independence  came  under  the  yoke  of  the  Romans 


314  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

(63  B.  C),  who  ultimately  made  an  utter  end  to  its  national 
existence.  But  the  fault  of  it  in  the  main  lay  with  the  Jews 
themselves,  who  had  departed  not  only  from  the  ideals  of 
their  great  prophets,  but  even  of  their  great  priests,  who 
with  all  their  narrowness  were  inspired  by  a  true  patriotism 
and  a  high  morality. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Consider  the  origin  of  the  parties  of  the  Pharisees  and  Sad- 
ducees. 

2.  Read  the  reference  to  Josephus  and  note  the  extent  of  the 
Jewish  state  under  John  Hyrcanus  and  the  cause  of  his  break  with 
the  Pharisees. 

3.  Read  the  reference  to  Josephus  and  note  the  growth  of  Hellen- 
ism under  Aristobulus. 

4.  Read  the  reference  to  Josephus  and  note  the  political  success 
and  the  moral  degeneracy  of  the  Hasmoneans  as  illustrated  by 
Alexander  Jannseus. 

5.  Consider  the  reign  of  Alexandra  and  why  it  was  the  golden 
age  of  Pharisaism. 

6.  Consider  the  causes  that  led  to  the  Roman  capture  of  Jeru- 
salem. 

3.  The  Literature  and  Life  of  the  Maccabean  Period 

282.  The  Maccabean  Psalms.  That  the  Maccabean 
struggle  which  originated  in  religious  enthusiasm  and 
patriotism  should  have  expressed  itself  in  religious  lyrics  is 
intrinsically  probable.  But  its  best  evidence  is  that  some 
of  the  psalms  fit  this  historical  background  better  than  any 
other.  This  is  now  most  generally  acknowledged  to  be  true 
of  Psalms  44,  74,  79,  and  83,  which  voice  the  feelings  of 
the  pious  Jewish  suflferers  of  the  period  of  the  persecution 
under  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  when  the  sanctuary  was  pro- 
faned and  the  sacred  meeting  places,  the  synagogues  burned 
(74.  7f.)  ;  when  they  found  themselves  pursued  by  enemies 
all  around  (83.  4ff.)  ;  felt  themselves  as  sheep  given  as 
food  to  their  enemies  (44.  9-16)  ;  and  scoffingly  and  cruelly 
maltreated  (79.  2ff . ;  quoted  i  Mace  7.   17).     But  coming 


RULE  OF  THE  MACCABEAN  PRIESTS      315 

also  from  the  subsequent  period  of  victories  and  exaltation, 
voicing  sentiments  more  optimistic  and  buoyant,  we  must 
consider  Psalms  no,  already  mentioned  above  (Section  273), 
and  85,  and  probably  many  others,  in  which,  however,  the 
allusions  are  too  subtle  for  definite  dating.  But  that  the 
period  contained  motives  for  lyrics  in  feelings  of  revenge 
and  hatred  against  political  and  religious  enemies,  within 
and  without  the  nation,  cannot  be  questioned.  They  might 
either  express  themselves  in  originating  poetry  or  by  the 
use  of  older  hymns;  but  whichever  way  it  happened,  the 
Psalms,  which  were  now  constantly  used  in  worship  and 
otherwise,  express  the  Jewish  thought  and  life  of  the 
Maccabean  period ;  and  much  can  be  learned  from  them  that 
throws  light  upon  the  period. 

Professor  B.  Duhm,  who  represents  the  extremest  atti- 
tude in  favor  of  Maccabean  Psalms,  makes  the  following 
suggestions  as  to  their  origin;  and  it  may  prove  helpful  to 
read  them  with  the  historical  background  in  view : 

Psalms  of  the  period  of  the  Maccabean  struggles:  74,  24,  83,  118, 
149,  44,  ^T,  55,  i2f.,  35,  69a,  79,  69b. 

Psalms  of  the  period  of  the  Hasmonean  high  priests:  loi,  no, 
85,  99,  60,  66a. 

Psalms  from  the  period  of  the  Hasmonean  kings :  2,  45,  2of., 
61,  63,  72,  84b,  132,  89,  18,  144a,  144b,  68. 

Psalms  of  the  period  of  the  struggles  of  the  Pharisees  against 
the  Hasmonean  kings :  18,  21,  d^^  89,  132,  representing  a  friendly- 
attitude  toward  these  kings;  17,  9f.,  14,  56,  57a,  58f.,  64,  82,  92,  94, 
140,  representing  the  antagonistic  attitude. 

283.  The  Book  of  Esther.  The  book  of  Esther  reflects  Esther 
the  feelings  of  elation  of  the  Jewish  people  of  the  period  that 
followed  the  unsuccessful  attempt  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
to  make  an  end  of  the  Jewish  nation  and  religion.  Haman's 
plan  to  destroy  in  one  day  the  entire  Jewish  population  of 
the  Persian  empire  (3.  8,  13)  is  the  counterpart  of  what 
Epiphanes  had  endeavored  to  do  (i  Mace  3.  34-36).  The 
story   pictures    with   evident   delight,    in   the    form   of   an 


3i6  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

occurrence  In  the  days  of  Xerxes,  how  through  Jewish 
intrigue  and  skill  the  plan  was  frustrated  and  brought  to 
culminate  in  the  destruction  of  their  enemies  by  the  very 
means  they  had  devised.  There  shines  through  the  entire 
plot  a  spirit  of  satisfaction  that  the  enemy  had  been  repaid; 
and   it   conveys   very   much   the   same   sentiments   as    Psa 

35.  7ff- : 

For  without  cause  they  spread  for  me  their  net, 

Without  cause  they  dug  for  me  a  pit. 

Let  unawares  destruction  come  upon  them ! 

Let  the  net  they  have  spread  ensnare  them! 

Let  them  fall  into  their  own  destruction ! 

Then  will  I  rejoice  in  Jehovah, 

And  shout  for  joy  over  his  help. 

The  religious  element,  however,  is  conspicuously  absent 
from  the  book,  and  the  name  of  God  is  not  mentioned  in 
it.  It  is  of  the  nature  of  the  so-called  imprecatory  psalms, 
without  their  religious  spirit.  Its  moral  tone  is  very  low; 
and  there  is  not  a  noble  character  in  the  book.  The  Chris- 
tian Church  has  never  taken  kindly  to  it,  and  that  the  Jews 
favor  it  highly  is  due  to  the  fact  that  it  gives  suitable 
expression  to  the  hatred  which  they  must  often  have  felt  on 
account  of  the  persecutions  they  have  had  to  endure.  The 
object  of  the  book  was  evidently  to  explain  the  feast  of 
Piirim,  the  nature  of  which  is  fully  given  in  the  book  itself 
(9.  20-25).  It  was  a  time  of  merry-making,  and  it  has 
perpetuated  itself  to  the  present  time. 

284.  The  Book  of  Judith.  The  book  of  Judith  is  a  parallel 
to  the  book  of  Esther,  but  it  has  a  pronounced  religious 
character.  It  is  a  story,  possibly  based  upon  some  his- 
torical fact,  but  written  with  the  purpose  to  inculcate  reli- 
gious ideas,  current  among  the  pious  Jews  of  the  Maccabean 
period,  and  consequently  giving  light  upon  the  thought  of 
that  time.  Judith  is  an  ideal  Jewish  woman,  of  the  type 
of  the  Pharisees,  strictly  living  according  to  the  require- 
ments of  the  Law,     It  expresses  the  Jewish  consciousness 


RULE  OF  THE  MACCABEAN  PRIESTS      317 

of  superiority  to  the  Gentile  world,  its  hatred  for  it,  and  its 
delight  in  taking  revenge.  Its  worst  fault  is  that  it  considers 
God  as  making  common  cause  with  the  most  cruel  forms  of 
taking  vengeance,  showing  a  lack  of  insight  into  the  highest 
type  of  ethical  and  spiritual  religion. 

285.  The  Book  of  Tobit.  The  book  of  Tobit  is  a  Tobit 
somewhat  different  illustration  of  the  type  of  Pharisaic 
piety.  It  presents  the  picture  of  the  Pharisaic  ideals  of 
pious  family  life.  Among  its  virtues  are  strict  adherence 
to  the  observance  of  the  Law,  and  especially  the  avoidance 
of  intermarriage  with  those  who  are  not  of  the  Jewish 
nation  and  faith.  Other  marriages  bring  a  curse,  but  the 
marriage  of  those  of  like  Jewish  faith  results  in  blessings. 
God's  providence  is  over  them  that  live  according  to  his 
Law ;  evil  angels  cannot  harm  them,  and  good  angels  pave 
their  way  for  them. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Examine  the  Psalms  mentioned  in  section  282  and  note  to  what 
extent  they  may  be  regarded  as  reflecting  the  Maccabean  period. 

2.  Read  the  book  of  Esther,  note  its  origin  and  character,  and 
value  its  ethical  spirit. 

3.  Read  the  book  of  Judith  and  note  what  ideals  it  represents. 

4.  Read  the  book  of  Tobit  and  compare  its  ideals  with  that  of  the 
book  of  Ruth. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

THE  JEWS  UNDER  ROMAN  RULE 
(The  Roman  Period,  63  B.  C.  to  70  A.  D.) 

I.    The  Loss  of  Jewish  Independence 

286.  The  Rivalries  of  the  Hasmoneans.  The  rivalries 
of  the  Hasmoneans,  Jewish  sympathy  with  them  over 
against  Rome,  and  the  crafty  policy  of  Antipater,  brought 
about  conditions  which  resulted  in  the  passing  of  the  rule 
of  Judaea  into  the  alien  power  of  the  Idumaean  Herod. 
Pompey  had  left  Judaea,  consisting  of  Judaea,  Galilee,  and 
Persea,  under  the  high  priest  Hyrcanus  II  (63-40  B.  C.) 
subordinate  to  a  Roman  governor  of  the  province  and 
tributary  to  him ;  but  the  Jews  were  restive.  The  first  revolt 
took  place  under  Alexander,  Aristobulus's  eldest  son,  who 
had  escaped  from  Rome,  and  had  gathered  a  force  against 
Hyrcanus,  and  was  put  down  by  the  Roman  governor 
Gabinius  in  57  B.  C.  The  result  was  that  the  Jewish 
territory  was  divided  into  five  administrative  districts,  leav- 
ing to  Hyrcanus  only  the  care  of  the  temple,  thus  stripping 
him  of  all  political  power  (Antiquities  xiv,  5).  The  next 
year  Aristobulus  and  his  son,  Antigonus,  escaped  from 
Rome,  and  raised  another  revolt,  which  was  no  more  suc- 
cessful. A  third  revolt  under  Alexander  failed  also. 
Hyrcanus  and  Antipater,  who  had  shown  themselves  on  the 
side  of  Rome,  were  rewarded.  Hyrcanus  was  restored  to 
his  former  domain,  and  Antipater  came  into  high  favor 
(Antiquities  xiv,  6). 

287.  The  Rise  of  Antipater.  The  Roman  hand  was 
heavy  upon  Judaea.  Crassus,  on  his  way  against  the  Par- 
thians,  robbed  the  Jewish  temple  of  its  treasures,  breaking 

318 


THE  JEWS  UNDER  ROMAN  RULE  319 

his  solemn  oath  that  he  would  be  content  with  what  was 
given  him  voluntarily.  Cassius  put  down  a  Jewish  revolt, 
and  sold  thirty  thousand  Jews  into  slavery.  In  the  mean- 
while Antipater,  who  used  Hyrcanus  simply  as  his  tool, 
furthered  his  own  interests  by  ingratiating  himself  with 
such  as  could  help  him.  Caesar,  after  his  defeat  of  Pompey 
(49),  freed  Aristobulus  and  sent  him  as  his  representative 
to  Syria  with  two  legions,  but  the  followers  of  Pompey 
poisoned  him;  and  Aristobulus's  son,  Alexander,  fell  as  a 
victim  of  the  Roman  civil  war  (Antiquities  xiv,  7).  When 
Caesar  made  his  expedition  against  Egypt  Antipater  and 
Hyrcanus  rendered  him  very  valuable  services,  and  when 
he  came  to  Syria  he  rewarded  them  both,  against  the 
remonstrance  of  Antigonus,  the  surviving  son  of  Aristo- 
bulus, making  Hyrcanus  ethnarch,  with  restored  political 
power,  and  Antipater  procurator  of  Judaea,  and  allowing 
also  the  rebuilding  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  which  Pompey 
had  torn  down  (Antiquities  xiv,  8).  But  it  was  really 
Antipater  who  was  the  ruler,  rather  than  the  weak  Hyrcanus. 
288.  The  Sons  of  Antipater,  Phasael  and  Herod. 
Antipater  appointed  his  sons  Phasael  and  Herod  as  gover- 
nors of  Jerusalem  and  Galilee  respectively.  Herod,  who 
was  at  this  time  about  twenty-five  years  of  age,  showed 
already  remarkable  energy  and  aggressiveness.  He  drove 
out  a  body  of  bandits  who  made  the  country  insecure  and 
executed  its  leader.  The  latter  action  offended  the  Sanhe- 
drin,  who  claimed  the  power  to  decide  such  cases.  They 
made  Hyrcanus  bring  Herod  to  trial,  but  the  Romans 
interfered,  and  Herod  appeared  throughout  the  trial  more 
as  a  conqueror  than  a  suppliant  for  mercy  (Antiquities 
xiv,  9).  Upon  the  murder  of  Caesar  (43  B.  C),  Cassius 
came  to  Syria  to  collect  troops  and  funds.  Herod's  aid 
was  prompt,  and  brought  him  Cassius's  favor.  But  a 
certain  Arabian,  Malichus,  found  Antipater  in  his  way  of 
advancement,  and  bribed  Hyrcanus's  butler  to  poison  him. 
Herod  obtained  Cassius's  consent  to   revenge   his   father's 


320  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

death,  and  had  Malichiis  slain  (Antiquities  xiv,  ii).  But 
the  ambitions  of  Antipater  had  well  advanced  and  were 
now  securely  in  the  hands  of  his  two  sons,  Phasael  and 
Herod.  Antigonus  now  once  more  (42  B.  C.)  made  the 
attempt  to  seize  Judaea,  but  Herod  defeated  him  (Antiquities 
xiv,  12). 

But  a  greater  danger  threatened  Herod  and  his  brother, 
when  Brutus  and  Cassius  were  defeated  by  Antony,  and 
the  latter  came  into  Syria.  The  two  brothers  had  been 
accused  before  him  by  representative  Jewish  nobles.  But 
as  Hyrcanus  appeared  as  their  defender  and  he  himself 
had  on  earlier  occasions  enjoyed  the  hospitality  of  their 
father  Antipater,  they  rather  gained  by  these  efforts,  for 
Antony  appointed  Herod  and  Phasael  tetrarchs  of  the 
Judaean  territory. 

289.  The  Parthians  in  Syria.  Antigonus  again  re- 
newed his  attempt  to  seize  the  government  of  Judaea,  but 
this  time  with  better  success.  The  Parthians  had  con- 
quered Asia,  and  were  in  northern  Syria.  Antigonus  per- 
suaded them  to  make  him  king  of  Judaea,  and  through  their 
aid  succeeded  in  getting  possession  of  the  persons  of 
Hyrcanus  and  Phasael.  The  former  he  mutilated  to  make 
him  incapable  of  holding  the  high  priesthood,  and  the 
Parthians  carried  him  off  into  their  country;  the  latter 
committed  suicide  in  prison.  Herod  succeeded  in  rescuing 
his  family  and  himself  by  flight  (Antiquities  xiv,  13). 

290.  The  Reign  of  Antigonus.  Antigonus  (40-37 
B.  C.)  had  but  a  short  and  stormy  reign.  Herod  went  to 
Rome  to  appear  before  Antony  and  Augustus  to  secure  help 
against  Antigonus  and  the  kingship  for  his  wife  Mariamme's 
brother,  a  grandson  of  Aristobulus  and  Hyrcanus.  But 
the  Romans  deemed  Herod  the  better  man ;  and  by  the 
action  of  the  Senate  he  was  made  king  (40  B.  C).  He 
now  returned  to  Judaea,  and  during  the  following  three  years 
engaged  in  a  series  of  efforts  to  secure  his  kingdom.  With 
the  aid  of  a  Roman  army  under  Sosius,  he  finally  succeeded 


THE  JEWS  UNDER  ROMAN  RULE  321 

in  breaking  through  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.  Antigonus  was 
captured  and  carried  by  the  Romans  to  Antioch,  where 
they  executed  him.  With  him  the  last  of  the  Hasmonean 
rulers  came  to  an  end  (Antiquities  xiv,  14-16). 

291.  The  Reign  of  Herod.  From  a  mere  political 
point  of  view,  the  long  reign  of  Herod  (37  B.  C.  to  4  A.  D.) 
was  one  of  great  achievements.  He  was  a  Hellenistic 
ruler  with  all  the  good  and  evil  that  the  term  implies.  He 
^ught  to  be  a  friend  of  the  Romans  and  to  spread  their 
culture.  The  kingdom  of  Judaea  was  in  his  day  probably 
more  respected  among  other  nations  than  at  any  other  time. 
The  position  which  he  occupied  in  the  Roman  empire  was 
that  of  a  rex  socius,  that  is,  an  allied  king.  He  was  under 
the  empire  and  under  obligations  to  aid  it,  but  within  his 
kingdom  he  was  entirely  independent.  His  was,  generally 
speaking,  a  peaceful  reign.  He  was  politic  enough  not  to 
antagonize  the  Pharisaic  party  by  interfering  with  their 
punctilious  observance  of  the  Law.  But  at  the  same  time 
he  on  his  part  showed  his  predilections  for  Hellenic  culture. 
He  was  a  great  builder  with  aesthetic  tastes.  His  greatest 
building  achievement  was  the  temple,  which  was  a  most 
magnificent  series  of  structures  in  Greek  and  Roman  style, 
requiring  a  lifetime  for  its  completion.  He  built  or  rebuilt 
the  cities  of  Samaria  (Sebaste),  Caesarea,  Antipatris, 
Phasaelis,  and  numerous  castles,  citadels,  and  towers  in 
various  parts  of  his  kingdom.  In  Jerusalem  he  built  himself 
a  strongly  fortified  palace,  the  tower  of  Antonia,  and  pro- 
vided the  city  with  a  water  supply.  In  Jerusalem  and  else- 
where he  built  theaters,  amphitheaters,  baths,  gymnasiums, 
and  introduced  the  Olympic  games.  He  also  introduced 
the  study  of  Greek  literature  and  philosophy.  He  was  an 
Idumaean,  that  is,  a  descendant  of  the  Edomites,  who  had 
been  forced  on  the  point  of  the  sword  to  become  Jews,  but 
whose  conversion  was  but  superficial.  He  was  thus  but 
a  half-Jew  and  personally  out  of  sympathy  with  the 
Pharisees. 


322  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

292.  The  Character  of  Herod.  Herod's  moral  char- 
acter was  of  the  worst  type.  He  murdered  or  was  the 
means  of  murdering,  successively  members  of  his  own 
family,  Aristobulus,  his  wife's  brother,  one  of  the  Has- 
monean  heirs ;  Joseph,  his  sister's  husband ;  Hyrcanus  H, 
the  mutilated  high  priest ;  his  wife,  Mariamme ;  her  mother, 
Alexandra ;  his  sister's  husband,  the  sons  of  Sabba  or 
Baba,  the  last  Hasmonean  heirs ;  his  sons,  Aristobulus  and 
Alexander,  and  Antipater.  He  was  a  cruel  tyrant,  and  evi- 
dently insanely  jealous.  Herod  may  be  taken  as  an  illustra- 
tion of  the  political  vicissitudes  of  the  Jewish  nation,  but 
as  a  product  of  the  spirit  and  religion  of  the  Old  Testament 
he  was  clearly  a  monstrous  incongruity. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Read  the  references  to  Josephus  and  note  the  cause  of  the 
weakness  of  the  Hasmoneans  and  the  rise  of  Antipater. 

2.  Read  the  references  to  Josephus  and  trace  the  earlier  career  of 
Herod. 

3.  Consider  the  reign  and  character  of  Herod  and  account  for 
his  lack  of  moral  character. 

2.   The  Developed  Form  of  Judaism 

293.  The  Scribes.  The  most  representative  class  of 
Judaism  in  its  fully  developed  form  was  the  scribes.  At 
the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era  they  were  regarded  as 
the  authoritative  religious  teachers,  having  taken  the  place 
of  the  prophets  and  priests  of  former  times.  The  order  of 
the  scribes  originated  with  the  institution  of  the  Law  by 
Ezra,  who  was  the  first  to  bear  this  title.  Law  when  it  is 
to  be  scrupulously  obeyed  requires  detailed  explanation. 
At  first  the  priests  furnished  it,  but  gradually  it  fell  in  the 
hands  of  specialists,  who  formed  an  independent  religious 
profession,  called  scribes,  lawyers,  and  teachers  of  the  Law. 
When  the  priesthood  became  Hellenized  the  scribes  saved 
Judaism  from  extinction  by  their  zeal  for  the  Law.  Their 
growing  prestige  is  seen  from  the  title  "rabbi,"  meaning 


THE  JEWS  UNDER  ROMAN  RULE  323 

"teacher"  or  ''master,"  which  they  assumed,  and  from  the 
honor  which  they  claimed:  "The  honor  of  a  friend  should 
reach  as  high  as  the  respect  for  thy  teacher,  but  the  respect 
for  thy  teacher  as  high  as  the  fear  of  God,"  was  one  of 
the  sayings  of  the  Jewish  Fathers  (Aboth,  4.  12).  Schools 
were  established  for  the  instruction  in  the  Law  in  connection 
with  the  synagogues,  and  the  courts  of  the  temple  were 
used,  where  the  scribes  officiated  as  teachers. 

294.  The  Legislation  of  the  Scribes.  Besides  teaching 
and  administering  the  Law,  the  scribes  also  made  new 
laws.  Its  starting  point,  of  course,  was  the  Law  of  Moses ; 
but  it  soon  became  independent  of  it,  and  even  in  spirit 
often  contravened  it.  The  legislation  was  divided  into 
negative  and  positive.  The  motto  of  the  former  was : 
"Make  a  fence  around  the  Law"  (Aboth,  i.  i).  When  a 
thing  in'  itself  lawful  was  likely  to  lead  to  the  transgression 
of  the  Law  it  was  prohibited,  as,  for  instance,  the  drinking 
of  wine  of  heathen  people,  for  it  might  have  been  used  in 
connection  with  a  heathen  sacrifice  (compare  i  Cor  8.  4ff. ; 
10.  23ff. ;  Rom  14.  13).  This  kind  of  legislation  was  called 
ge:;eroth,  or  "fences,"  and  its  object  was  to  prevent  the 
transgression  of  the  Law.  The  positive  legislation  related  to 
matters  of  ritual,  forms  of  prayers,  the  fixing  of  the  festal 
calendar,  dispensations  regarding  vows,  etc.  We  may  see 
many  of  these  new  laws  already  in  full  force  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Christian  era.  The  law  of  the  phylacteries  and 
fringes  is  mentioned  in  Matt.  23.  5.  The  dietary  laws  relat- 
ing to  forbidden  foods  and  ceremonial  handwashings  are 
often  referred  to  (Matt  15.  10-20;  Acts  10.  1-16).  The 
Sabbath  was  particularly  hedged  about  with  new  legisla- 
tion. Out  of  the  references  to  the  Sabbath  in  the  Old 
Testament  thirty-nine  principal  acts  of  labor  were  system- 
atized. These  were  called  "fathers,"  and  out  of  them 
were  evolved  new  laws,  called  "children" ;  and  both  were 
made  equally  binding;  thus  plucking  a  few  ears  of  corn 
was  regarded  as  much  of  a  violation  of  the  Sabbath  as 


324  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

reaping  and  plowing  (Matt  12.  if.).  This  legalism  touched 
every  detail  of  the  daily  life,  and  its  tendency  was  to  become 
increasingly  more  exacting. 

295.  The  Synagogue.  Closely  associated  with  this 
legalism  of  the  scribes  was  the  institution  of  the  synagogue. 
The  term  has  a  narrower  and  broader  meaning:  in  the 
broader  meaning  a  synagogue  is  a  local  community  in  its 
corporate  capacity  and  as  under  religious  and  more  or 
less  civil  jurisdiction;  in  the  narrower,  it  is  the  building 
with  its  assemblies  and  services.  Naturally,  the  two  mean- 
ings often  merge  into  one.  The  synagogue  as  an  organized 
religious  community  originated  in  the  local  government. 
When  the  assemblies  first  began,  and  when  buildings  were 
first  set  aside  for  this  specific  purpose,  cannot  be  definitely 
stated.  They  probably  originated  during  the  exile.  The 
introduction  of  the  Law  and  the  activity  of  the  scribes, 
together  with  the  rise  of  Jewish  communities  outside  of 
Jerusalem,  must  have  given  occasion  for  them.  No  refer- 
ence to  the  institution  of  the  synagogue,  however,  is  met 
with  in  the  canonical  or  apocryphal  books  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, except  Psa  74.  8,  where  most  modern  scholars  find 
in  the  words  "sacred  meeting  places"  a  reference  to  it, 
and  take  it  as  belonging  to  the  Maccabean  period.  But  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era  the  synagogue  is  already 
a  well-known  institution  with  a  hoary  past:  "Moses  from 
generations  of  old  has  in  every  city  those  that  proclaim 
him,  being  read  in  the  synagogues  every  Sabbath"  (Acts 
15.  21)  ;  and  the  Gospels  contain  many  references  to  it. 

296.  The  Synagogue  as  a  Social  Center.  As  distin- 
guished from  the  temple,  the  synagogue  was  a  more  demo- 
cratic institution  with  social  functions,  including  not  only 
the  religious  but  also  the  civil  and  municipal  affairs  of  the 
community.  Where  the  population  was  mainly  Jewish,  the 
synagogue  officials  were  identical  with  those  of  the  town 
or  district.  Members  of  the  synagogal  community  were 
subject  to  discipline  by  its  government.     The  local  govern- 


THE  JEWS  UNDER  ROMAN  RULE  325 

ing  body  was  called  "court"  or  "council"  (Matt  5.  22), 
and  it  was  composed  of  twenty-three  members  in  larger 
towns,  and  in  smaller,  of  seven,  who  were  called  "elders" 
or  "rulers."  The  methods  of  punishment  were,  scourging, 
excommunication,  and  death ;  to  be  "put  out  of  the  syna- 
gogue" (John  9.  22;  12.  42),  meant  more  than  merely 
exclusion  from  the  synagogue  service,  it  meant  exclusion 
from  the  social  and  religious  intercourse,  that  is,  from 
community  life. 

297.  The  Synagogue  Assemblies.  The  primary  func- 
tion of  the  synagogue  assemblies  was  the  popular  instruction 
in  the  Law.  Worship,  in  the  narrower  sense,  was  only  a 
secondary  object.  Both  Josephus  and  Philo  call  the  syna- 
gogues "schools,"  and  in  the  New  Testament  the  chief 
function  of  the  synagogue  is  "to  teach"  (confer  Matt  4. 
2^;  Mark  i.  21 ;  6.  2).  But  in  the  earlier  times  the  syna- 
gogue was  called  "the  assembly  of  the  common  people," 
and  corresponded  more  nearly  to  the  "gate"  as  a  common 
meeting  place.  After  the  destruction  of  the  temple  the 
synagogue  assumed  more  and  more  the  former's  function, 
of  worship.  But  at  the  end  of  the  first  century  A.  D.  it 
was  still  possible  to  class  sitting  in  the  synagogues  (like 
sitting  in  the  market  place)  with  sleeping  away  the  morn- 
ing, drinking  wine  at  noon,  and  playing  with  children, 
as  bringing  failure  in  life  (Aboth,  3.  14). 

298.  The  Synagogue  Service.  For  conducting  the 
synagogue  service  an  official,  strictly  speaking,  was  not 
necessary;  any  competent  Jew  could  officiate.  The  main 
part  of  the  service  was  the  reading  of  the  Law,  followed 
by  the  reading  of  the  Prophets,  and  the  explanation  of  the 
lessons  read.^ 

299.  Jewish  Parties.  The  various  forms  into  which 
Judaism  had  differentiated  may  be  seen  in  the  names  of 
parties,  which  meet  us  about  the  time  of  the  rise  of  Chris- 

1  For  a  fuller  discussion  of  the  entire  subject,  see  the  writer's  article  "Synagogue," 
in  Encyclopaedia  Biblica. 


326  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

tianity.     Besides  the   great  body  of  the  people,   we   meet 
with  Pharisees,  Sadducees,  Essenes,  Zealots,  and  Herodians. 

300.  The  Pharisees.  The  Pharisees  were  the  religious 
aristocracy,  the  orthodox  party,  and  its  chief  character- 
istic was  the  strict  observance  of  the  Law,  according  to 
the  interpretation  handed  down  by  tradition  through  the 
scribes.  The  close  association  of  the  Pharisees  and  scribes 
indicates  that  they  both  represented  a  common  cause.  The 
scribes  were  the  professional  Pharisees,  a  select  body  within 
the  larger  circle,  whose  duty  it  was,  as  stated  above,  to 
look  after  the  academic  interests  relating  to  the  Law.  The 
Pharisees  were  "Separatists,"  and  they  formed  an  inner 
circle  within  the  people ;  they  called  their  members  chaberim, 
or  "Associates."  Upon  the  outside  Gentile  world  they 
looked  with  contempt ;  the  Sadducees  they  hated  as  sinners ; 
and  the  ordinary  Jew  they  regarded  as  'am  haarez,  or 
"common  people."  As  a  whole  they  represented  the  legal- 
ism of  Nehemiah  and  Ezra  carried  to  its  logical  extreme. 

301.  The  Sadducees.  The  Sadducees  were  the  polit- 
ical aristocracy,  and  from  the  religious  point  of  view,  the 
Liberal  party.  They  were  priests  and  held  the  temple  and 
its  services  sacred;  but  they  were  in  favor  of  Hellenistic 
culture.  Theologically,  they  differed  from  the  Pharisees  in 
denying  the  authority  of  the  traditional  interpretation  of 
the  Law,  that  is,  the  oral  Law  as  distinguished  from  the 
written  Law ;  in  denying  the  existence  of  angels  and  spirits, 
the  resurrection  of  the  body  and  the  immortality  of  the 
soul,  and  a  fatalistic  conception  of  the  moral  world. 

302.  The  Essenes.  The  Essenes  represent  a  fuller 
development  of  the  Pharisaic  conception  of  holiness  by 
separation,  with  a  mixture  of  elements  from  foreign  cults. 
In  their  asceticism  and  communism  the  Essenes  were  a 
monastic  order.  Admission  to  the  order  was  made  difficult 
by  periods  of  probation,  lasting  one  year,  and  a  further  two 
years.  When  admitted  the  novitiate  had  to  take  a  solemn 
oath  that  he  would  honor  God,  do  his  duty  toward  man, 


THE  JEWS  UNDER  ROMAN  RULE  327 

to  do  no  one  an  evil,  to  hate  the  unjust  and  aid  the  righteous, 
to  be  in  subjection  to  civil  authority,  not  to  be  overbearing 
in  authority,  not  to  dress  with  extravagance,  to  speak  the 
truth  and  to  correct  liars,  not  to  steal  nor  obtain  profit 
falsely,  to  be  frank  with  members  of  the  order,  but  not  to 
reveal  their  secrets,  even  if  tortured  to  death,  not  to  mis- 
represent their  doctrines,  to  withhold  from  robbery,  and 
to  keep  secret  the  sacred  books  and  the  names  of  the  angels 
(Josephus,  Wars,  ii,  8.  7).  The  Essenes  wore  white  gar- 
ments ;  bathed  often,  and  always  before  the  com.munal  meal, 
which  appears  to  have  had  a  sacred  character.  Their  daily 
life  was  strictly  regulated  and  employed  in  useful  effort; 
they  held  to  a  community  of  property,  discarded  slavery, 
marriage,  oaths,  and  sacrifices.  Their  attitude  toward  the 
sun  is  described  by  Josephus  as  follows:  **Before  sunrise 
they  allow  no  unholy  word  to  proceed  from  their  lips ;  but 
they  offer  certain  prayers,  which  they  have  received  from 
their  forefathers,  as  if  they  were  praying  for  its  rising" 
(Wars,  ii,  8.  5).  They  distinguish  themselves  from  the 
Pharisees  by  emphasizing  the  immortality  of  the  soul  over 
against  the  resurrection  of  the  body,  but  apparently  share 
their  idea  of  fatalism. 

It  must  appear  that  the  Essenes  represent  a  highly  sig- 
nificant moral  movement  within  Judaism;  and  we  can 
scarcely  fail  to  see  some  striking  resemblances  between  it 
and  the  movement  represented  by  John  the  Baptist. 

303.  Zealots  and  Herodians,  The  Zealots  w^ere  Phari- 
sees who  were  too  impatient  to  pursue  the  waiting  policy 
in  leaving  to  God  the  establishment  of  the  Jewish  govern- 
ment for  which  they  longed.  They,  accordingly,  favored 
a  national  uprising  against  Rome;  and  they  found  a  leader 
in  Judas  the  Galilaean,  who  caused  a  revolt  when  Cyrenius 
the  Roman  governor  took  the  census  for  the  collection  of 
the  Roman  tribute  (Acts  5.  37;  and  compare  Luke  2.  2). 
Their  hatred  for  the  Romans  grew  with  their  failure  to 
accomplish  their  purpose.     They  became  cruel  bandits  and 


328  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

were  largely  responsible  for  the  ultimate  destruction  of  the 
Jewish  nation  by  the  Romans  (Josephus,  Wars,  iv,  3.  9; 
5.  i;  6.  3;  vii,  8.  i).  The  Herodians  were  Sadducees  who 
favored  the  Herodian  family  as  Jewish  rulers. 

304.  The  Conception  of  God.  The  religious  and  ethical 
conceptions  of  Judaism,  as  we  meet  them  at  the  beginning 
of  the  Christian  era,  are  far  from  being  formulated  into  a 
system.  They  were  the  result  of  an  extended  process  of 
development,  and  as  they  contained  elements  from  various 
sources  and  periods,  they  would  hardly  have  absolute 
consistency. 

The  conception  of  God  represented  the  accumulation  of 
the  contributions  of  all  the  preceding  periods,  and  it  in- 
cluded: (i)  the  monotheistic  conception  of  the  oneness  of 
God,  implying  that  there  exists  only  one  God  and  that  he 
is  the  God  of  the  Jews;  (2)  the  transcendence  of  God, 
expressing  his  greatness  and  might  by  which  he  is  exalted 
above  the  world;  (3)  the  spirituality  of  God,  involving  his 
omniscience,  righteousness,  goodness,  and  mercy,  faithful- 
ness, and  holiness,  and  particularly  the  quality  which  em- 
phasized his  character  as  the  rewarder  of  the  pious  and 
punisher  of  the  wicked,  or  the  God  of  judgment;  (4)  the 
national  character  of  God,  as  the  God  of  Abraham,  Isaac, 
and  Jacob,  who  chose  Israel  and  gave  it  the  Law;  and 
(5)  God  as  the  creator  and  preserver  of  his  creatures. 
There  are  some  faint  anticipations  of  the  Fatherhood  of 
God,  going  beyond  the  national  to  the  individual  sense; 
and  men  are  called  God's  children  (Psalms  of  Solomon, 
17.  30;  Enoch,  62.  11).  But  more  characteristic  is  the 
dread  with  which  the  naming  of  God  is  avoided  and  the 
use  of  substitutions,  as  ''Heaven"  (i  Mace  3.  i8f.,  50,  60; 
4.  10,  24)  ;  compare  the  phrase  "kingdom  of  heaven"  for 
''kingdom  of  God"  (Matt.  5.  3;  Luke  6.  20)  ;  the  "Name," 
the  "Voice,"  the  Shekinah,  or  "Glory,"  and  others.  The 
proper  name  "Jehovah"  (or,  more  properly,  "Yahwe")  came 
into  such  disuse  that  its  pronunciation  has  been  entirely 


THE  JEWS  UNDER  ROMAN  RULE  329 

lost.  On  the  whole,  the  dominant  Jewish  conception  was 
that  of  his  distance  from  man,  and  herein  it  radically 
differed  from  that  of  the  prophets. 

305.  The  Ethical  Ideals.  The  emphasis  upon  the  Law 
and  its  strict  observance  very  naturally  affected  the  ethical 
ideals  of  Judaism.  The  parable  of  the  Pharisee  and  pub- 
lican (Luke  18.  9ff.)  describes  both  the  good  and  evils  of 
the  ideals.  The  keeping  of  the  Law  tended  to  make  men 
moral ;  it  kept  them  from  being  extortioners,  unjust,  adul- 
terers, and  from  many  other  sins ;  and  the  life  of  the 
conscientious  Pharisee,  as  we  may  see  it  illustrated  in  the 
life  and  character  of  Paul  before  his  conversion,  was  no 
doubt  in  many  respects  exemplary,  and  incomparably  better 
than  that  of  those  who  knew  no  such  restraints.  But  the 
emphasis  came  to  be  placed  upon  ceremonialism,  the  Sab- 
bath, formal  prayer,  fasting,  tithing,  foods,  and  ablutions, 
leading  to  a  mechanical  formalism.  When  one  reads  the 
regulations  as  to  how  and  when  to  recite  one  of  the  sub- 
limest  ethical  passages  in  the  Old  Testament,  containing  the 
words:  "Hear,  O  Israel:  Jehovah  our  God,  Jehovah  is 
One:  and  thou  shalt  love  Jehovah  thy  God  with  all  thy 
heart,  and  with  all  thy  soul,  and  with  all  thy  might"  (Deut 
6.  4f),  and  notices  the  rabbinical  quibbling  over  the  ques- 
tions whether  it  is  to  be  recited  standing  or  lying,  audibly 
or  inaudibly,  as  early  in  the  morning  when  one  can  dis- 
tinguish between  the  colors  of  sky-blue  or  leek-green,  and 
finds  no  reference  to  its  ethical  import,  one  realizes  how 
shallow,  after  all,  must  have  been  the  ethical  interest  in 
keeping  the  Law.  The  conscientious  Pharisee  would  find 
it  an  impossible  task  to  keep  all  the  details,  and  be  com- 
pelled to  live  under  the  dread  of  an  offended  God;  and  the 
unconscientious  Pharisee  would  make  his  legalism  the  cloak 
to  hide  his  real  character.  On  the  whole,  then,  the  priestly 
ideals  of  righteousness  were  a  retrogression  from  those  of 
the  prophets,  who  looked  for  the  day  when  the  ethical  law 
should  be  written  upon  men's  consciences. 


330  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

306.  The  Messianic  Hopes.  The  general  tendency  of 
Old  Testament  history  and  thought  had  been  to  stimulate 
certain  expectations  of  a  future  condition  which  had  their 
central  thought  in  the  person  of  the  Messiah.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Christian  era  these  hopes  had  assumed, 
generally  speaking,  two  different  forms,  which  for  con- 
venience of  review  may  be  distinguished  as  (i)  the  national 
hope,  and  (2)  the  apocalyptic  hope. 

The  national  hope  has  "the  son  of  David"  as  the  central 
figure  of  the  Messianic  kingdom.  It  implies  a  national 
restoration  of  Israel;  its  sphere  is  this  earth  purified  with 
Palestine,  Jerusalem,  and  Zion  as  its  center;  and  its  sub- 
jects are  the  Jews  in  contrast  with  the  Gentiles.  This  con- 
ception is  easily  recognized  in  its  general  features  as  that 
of  the  prophets.  It  found  its  fullest  later  expression  in  the 
Psalms  of  the  Pharisees,  commonly  called  the  Psalms  of 
Solomon,  proceeding  from  the  period  of  70-40  B.  C.  The 
following  selection  is  an  illustration  of  its  character: 

Behold,  O  Lord,  and  raise  up  unto  them  their  king,  the  son  of 
David,  in  the  time  which  thou,  O  God,  knowest,  that  he  may  reign 
over  Israel  thy  servant ; 

And  gird  him  with  strength  that  he  may  break  in  pieces  them  that 
rule  unjustly. 

Purge  Jerusalem  from  the  heathen  that  trample  her  down  to 
destroy  her,  with  wisdom  and  with  righteousness. 

He  shall  thrust  out  the  sinners  from  the  inheritance,  utterly 
destroy  the  proud  spirit  of  the  sinners,  and  as  potter's  vessels  with 
a  rod  of  iron  shall  he  break  in  pieces  all  their  substance. 

He  shall  destroy  the  ungodly  nations  with  the  word  of  his  mouth, 
so  that  at  his  rebuke  the  nations  may  flee  before  him,  and  he  shall 
convict  the  sinners  in  the  thoughts  of  their  hearts. 

And  he  shall  gather  together  a  holy  people,  whom  he  shall  lead 
in  righteousness;  and  shall  judge  the  tribes  of  the  people  that  hath 
been  sanctified  by  the  Lord  his  God. 

And  he  shall  not  suffer  iniquity  to  lodge  in  their  midst;  and 
none  that  knoweth  wickedness  shall  dwell  with  them. 

For  he  shall  take  knowledge  of  them,  that  they  be  all  the  sons 
of  their  God,  and  shall  divide  them  upon  the  earth  according  to 
their  tribes. 


THE  JEWS  UNDER  ROMAN  RULE  331 

And  the  sojourner  and  the  stranger  shall  dwell  with  them  no 
more. 

He  shall  judge  the  nations  and  the  peoples  with  the  wisdom  of  his 
righteousness.  Selah  (Psalms  of  Solomon,  XVII,  23-31;  edited  by 
Ryle  and  James,  p.  I37ff.). 

The  apocalyptic  hope  has  "the  Son  of  man  coming  on  the 
clouds  of  heaven,"  conceived  as  a  heavenly  being,  as  its 
central  figure.  In  the  place  of  national  Israel  appears  here 
universal  mankind ;  instead  of  Palestine,  heaven  and  earth, 
and  the  entire  cosmic  forces ;  the  earthly  world  is  displaced 
by  a  heavenly  world ;  the  age  that  is  now  gives  way  to  the 
age  that  is  to  come ;  mortality  gives  way  to  immortality  ; 
the  old  world  passes  away  and  a  new  one  is  made;  a 
general  judgment,  prepared  for  by  the  resurrection  of  the 
dead,  determines  the  eternal  bliss  of  the  righteous  and  the 
eternal  damnation  or  annihilation  of  the  wicked.  This  con- 
ception is  the  product  of  the  Jewish  apocalyptic  writers  who 
multiplied  considerably  from  the  time  of  Daniel  (see  Section 
261).  As  illustrative  of  this  Messianic  conception,  we  may 
take  the  following  passages  from  the  Book  of  Enoch : 

"And  there  I  saw  One  who  had  a  head  of  days,  and  His  head  was 
white  like  wool,  and  with  Him  was  another  being  whose  countenance 
had  the  appearance  of  a  man  and  his  face  was  full  of  graciousness, 
like  one  of  the  holy  angels.  And  I  asked  the  angel  who  went  with 
me  and  showed  me  all  the  hidden  things,  concerning  that  Son  of 
Man,  who  he  was,  and  whence  he  was,  and  why  he  went  with  the 
Head  of  Days?  And  he  answered  and  said  unto  me:  "This  is  the 
Son  of  Man  who  hath  righteousness,  with  whom  dwelleth  righteous- 
ness, and  who  reveals  all  the  treasures  of  that  which  is  hidden, 
because  the  Lord  of  Spirits  hath  chosen  him,  and  his  lot  before 
the  Lord  of  Spirits  hath  surpassed  everything  in  uprightness  for 
ever.  And  this  Son  of  Man  whom  thou  hast  seen  will  arouse  the 
kings  and  the  mighty  ones  from  their  couches  and  the  strong  from 
their  thrones,  and  will  loosen  the  reins  of  the  strong  and  grind  to 
powder  the  teeth  of  the  sinners.  And  he  will  put  down  the  kings 
from  their  thrones  and  kingdoms  because  they  do  not  extol  and 
praise  him,  nor  thankfully  acknowledge  whence  the  kingdom  was 
bestowed  upon  them.  And  he  will  put  down  the  countenance  of  the 
strong  and  shame  will  cover  them ;  darkness  will  be  their  dwelling 


332  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

and  worms  their  bed,  and  they  will  have  no  hope  of  rising  from 
their  beds  because  they  do  not  extol  the  name  of  the  Lord  of 
Spirits"   (Enoch,  XLVI,  i-6). 

"And  one  portion  of  them  will  look  on  the  other,  and  they  will  be 
terrified,  and  their  countenance  will  fall,  and  pain  will  seize  them 
when  they  see  that  Son  of  Man  sitting  on  the  throne  of  his  glory. 
And  the  kings  and  the  mighty  and  all  who  possess  the  earth  will 
glorify  and  bless  and  extol  him  who  rules  over  all,  who  was  hidden. 
For  the  Son  of  Man  was  hidden  before  Him  and  the  Most  High 
preserved  him  in  the  presence  of  His  might  and  revealed  him  to 
the  elect.  .  .  .  And  all  the  kings  and  the  mighty  and  the  exalted 
and  those  who  rule  the  earth  will  fall  down  on  their  faces  before 
him  and  worship  and  set  their  hope  upon  that  Son  of  Man,  and  will 
petition  him  to  supplicate  for  mercy  at  his  hand"  (Enoch,  LXH, 
5ff.). 

It  must,  however,  be  admitted  that  while  it  is  possible, 
broadly  speaking,  to  recognize  these  two  different  concep- 
tions, as  indicated,  they  are  not  always  consistently  dis- 
tinguished in  the  literature,  but  the  two  features  are  often 
blended  into  one. 

307.  The  Messianic  Conception  of  the  Suffering 
Servant.  There  existed,  however,  another  Messianic 
conception,  which  the  Old  Testament  had  furnished,  but 
which  had  attracted  but  little  or  no  attention.  It  was  the 
ideal  of  the  Suffering  Servant  of  Jehovah  (see  Sections 
201  and  236).  It  was  not  of  such  a  nature  as  to  appeal  to 
many ;  and  it  may  well  be  questioned  whether  it  was  current 
at  all  as  a  Messianic  conception  in  the  thought  even  of  the 
most  spiritual  few  prior  to  the  rise  of  Christianity.  But  it 
was  in  the  thought  of  Him  whose  uniqueness  consisted 
among  other  things  in  embodying  in  his  ideals  the  best  ele- 
ments of  the  Old  Testament.  It  was  Jesus  the  Prophet  of 
Nazareth  who  evidently  made  the  Suffering  Servant  his 
Messianic  ideal;  and  through  him  self-sacrificing  service  to 
humanity — even  unto  death — has  become  the  central  teach- 
ing of  Christianity. 

308.  Summary.  We  have  now  surveyed  the  entire 
sweep  of  Old  Testament  history,  and  its  marked  tendencies 


THE  JEWS  UNDER  ROMAN  RULE  333 

have  appeared.  We  have  seen  how  during  the  first  period 
the  material  development  was  uppermost;  and  how  the 
Hebrews  emerged  from  it  with  a  well-organized  national 
government.  We  have  seen  also  how  the  second  period 
brought  Israel  with  the  dissolution  of  its  state  the  conscious- 
ness of  its  national  mission  to  be  the  missionaries  of  the 
noblest  moral  and  spiritual  ideals  to  the  world.  But  we  have 
further  seen  how  during  the  third  period  the  tendencies  to 
formalism  and  particularism  nearly  undid  the  mighty  work 
of  Israel's  prophets. 

Here  our  task  is  ended,  although  the  historical  movement 
itself  has  not  ceased;  for  Christianity  is  the  outcome  of  Old 
Testament  history.  In  the  rise  of  Christianity  the  prophetic 
and  priestly  ideals  of  the  Old  Testament  came  into  a  fresh 
conflict.  Pharisaism  was  the  most  formidable  antagonist 
of  the  gospel.  But  in  Christianity  prophetism  carried  ofif 
the  victory  and  started  on  its  divine  mission  to  conquer 
the  world  for  God. 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  STUDY 

1.  Consider  the  origin  of  the  scribes  and  how  they  became  the 
religious  leaders  in  the  place  of  the  prophet,  priest,  and  sage. 

2.  Consider  the  object  and  character  of  the  legislation  of  the 
scribes. 

3.  Consider  the  origin  of  the  synagogue  and  its  place  in  the  Jewish 
life  of  this  period. 

4.  Read  Luke  4.  16-30  as  illustrating  a  service  in  the  synagogue. 

5.  Consider  the  Jewish  parties  and  obtain  a  clear  view  of  the 
principles  of  each. 

6.  Consider  the  prevailing  conception  of  God  at  the  end  of  the 
Old  Testament  period  and  wherein  it  differed  from  the  prophetic 
conception. 

7.  Consider  the  ethical  ideals  of  the  type  of  a  Jew  like  Paul  before 
his  conversion, 

8.  Consider  the  prevailing  Messianic  conceptions  and  the  Old 
Testament  basis  for  the  Messianic  conception  of  Jesus. 

9.  Summarize  the  movement  of  Old  Testament  history  as  a  prepa- 
ration for  Christianity. 


SELECTED  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Text 

The  Revised  Version  of  the  Bible,  American  Standard  Edition. 

The  Apocrypha,  Revised  Version.     1894. 

The  Uncanonical  and  Apocryphal  Scriptures.  W.  R.  Churton. 
London,  1884. 

Apocrypha  and  Pseudepigrapha.  R.  H.  Charles.  Two  volumes. 
Oxford,  1913. 

The  Student's  Old  Testament,  C.  F.  Kent.  Six  volumes.  New 
York,  1904-1914.  Five  volumes  are  now  ready:  i.  Narratives 
of  the  Beginnings  of  Hebrew  History.  II.  Israel's  Historical 
and  Biographical  Narratives.  III.  The  Sermons,  Epistles,  and 
Apocalypses  of  Israel's  Prophets.  IV.  Israel's  Law  and  Legal 
Precedents.  V.  The  Songs,  Hymns,  and  Prayers  of  the  Old 
Testament.  To  be  published,  VI.  Proverbs  and  Didactic  Poems. 
This  series  contains  the  biblical  text  in  an  original  translation, 
classified,  and  chronologically  arranged,  with  full  introductions. 
It  is  the  most  comprehensive  work,  representing  the  results  of 
the  critical  study  of  the  Old  Testament. 

Commentaries 

The  Bible  for  Home  and  School.    Edited  by  Shailer  Mathews.    New 

York,  1909. 
The  Cambridge  Bible   for   School  and  Colleges.     Edited  by  A.  F. 

Kirkpatrick,  1889 — . 
The  Century  Bible.     Edited  by  W.  F.  Adeney.     New  York,  1901 — . 
The  Expositor's  Bible.    Edited  by  W.  R.  Nicoll.    New  York,  1887—. 
The  Westminster  Commentaries.     Edited  by  Walter  Lock.     1889 — . 
The    International    Critical    Commentary.      New   York.      Edited   by 
C.   H.    Briggs,    S.   R.   Driver,   and   A.    Plummer,     New   York, 
1895-. 
Commentary  on  The  Apocrypha,  by  H.  Wace.    Two  volumes.    Lon- 
don, 1888. 
The  Messages  of  the  Bible.     Edited  by  F.  K.  Sanders  and  C.  F. 
Kent.    New  York,  1898—. 
This  is  an  original  and  popular  commentary  on  the  Bible  in  which 
the  books  of  the  Bible  are  grouped  according  to  a  natural  classifica- 
tion, their  contents  arranged  in  the  order  of  their  appearance,  and 
a  scholarly  yet  popular  paraphrase  is  given  in  plain  English. 

334 


SELECTED  BIBLIOGRAPHY  335 

Old  Testament  Histories 
A  History  of  the  Hebrews.     R.  Kittel.     Two  volumes.     London, 

1895. 
History,   Prophecy,   and  the  Monuments.     J.  F.  McCurdy.     Three 

volumes.     New  York,  1896. 
History  of  the  Hebrew  People.     C.  F.  Kent.    Two  volumes.     New 

York,  1896. 
History  of  the  Jewish  People.     Two  volumes.    New  York,  1898. 
The  Babylonian,  Persian  and  Greek  Periods.    C.  F.  Kent.     1899. 
The  Maccabean  and  Roman  Periods.    J.  S.  Riggs.    1905. 
Old  Testament  History.     H.  P.  Smith.    New  York,  1903. 
Old  Testament  History.     G.  W.  Wade.     New  York,   1904. 
The  Background  of  the  Gospels  or  Judaism  in  the  Period  between 

the  Old  and  New  Testaments.     W.  Fairweather.     Edinburgh, 

1908. 

Contemporaneous  History 
Early  History  of  Syria  and  Palestine.     L.  B.  Paton.     New  York, 

1 901. 
A  History  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria.    R.  W.  Rogers.     New  York, 

1902. 
A  History  of  Babylonians  and  Assyrians.    G.  S.  Goodspeed.    New 

York,  1904. 
The  First  Empires.    W.  S.  Boscawen.    New  York,  1906. 
A  History  of  Egypt.    J.  H.  Breasted.    New  York,  1905. 
A  History  of  the  Ancient  Egyptians.     1908. 
Life  in  Ancient  Egypt.     A.   Erman,  translated  by  H.   M.  Tirard. 

London,  1894. 

Explorations  in  Bible  Lands 

Explorations  in  Bible  Lands.    H.  V.  Hilprecht.    Philadelphia,  1903. 
The   Old   Testament  in   the   Light   of   the   Historical   Records   and 

Legends  of  Assyria  and  Babylonia.     T.  G.   Pinches.     London, 

1903. 
The  Latest  Light  on  Bible  Lands.     P.  S.  P.  Handcock.     London, 

1913. 
Cuneiform  Parallels  to  the  Old  Testament.     R.  W.  Rogers.     New 

York,  1 91 2. 
Hebrew  and  Babylonian  Traditions.     M.  Jastrow.    New  York,  1914. 

Biblical  Geography 
The  Historical  Geography  of  the  Holy  Land.     G.  A.  Smith.     New 

York,  1901. 
Biblical  Geography  and  History.     C.  F.  Kent.     New  York,  1911. 


336  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORY 

Old  Testament  Literature 

An  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testament.     S.  R. 

Driver.     Ninth  edition.     New  York,  1913. 
A  Critical  Introduction  to  the  Old  Testament.     G.  B.  Gray.     New 

York,  1913. 
A  History  of  the  Literature  of  Ancient  Israel.    H.  T.  Fowler.    New 

York,  1912. 
The   Bible :   Its   Origin,   Its   Significance,   and   Its   Abiding  Worth. 

A.  S.  Peake.    New  York,  1914. 
The  Bible  as  Literature.    Irving  F.  Wood  and  Elihu  Grant.    New 

York,  1914. 

Old  Testament  Religion 

The  Theology  of  the  Old  Testament.  A.  B.  Davidson.  New  York, 
1904. 

The  ReHgion  of  Israel.     H.  P.  Smith.    New  York,  1914. 

The  Religion  of  Israel  to  the  Exile.    K.  Budde.    New  York,  1899. 

Jewish  Religious  Life  After  the  Exile.  T.  K.  Cheyne.  New  York, 
1898. 

Old  Testament  Prophecy.    A.  B.  Davidson.    New  York,  1903. 

Prophecy  and  the  Prophets.    F,  C.  Eiselen.    New  York,  1909. 

The  Beacon  Lights  of  Prophecy.    A.  C.  Knudson.    New  York,  1914. 

Israel's  Messianic  Hope.     G.  S.  Goodspeed.     New  York,  1900. 

Judaism  and  Christianity.     C.  H.  Toy.     New  York,  1890. 

Eschatology — A  Critical  History  of  the  Doctrine  of  a  Future  Life 
in  Israel,  in  Judaism,  and  in  Christianity.  R.  H.  Charles.  Lon- 
don, 1913. 

The  Ethics  of  the  Old  Testament.    H.  S.  Mitchell.    Chicago,  1912. 

The  Ethics  of  Jewish  Apocryphal  Literature.  H.  M.  Hughes.  Lon- 
don,  1909. 

Bible  Dictionaries 

Dictionary  of  the  Bible.    Edited  by  James  Hastings.    Five  volumes. 

New  York,  1898-1904. 
Dictionary  of  the  Bible.     Hastings's  One  Volume  Edition.     New 

York,  1909. 
Encyclopaedia  Biblica.     Edited  by  T.  K.  Cheyne  and  A.  S.  Black. 

Four  volumes.    New  York,  1899-1903. 
Standard  Dictionary  of  the  Bible.    Edited  by  M.  W.  Jacobus.    New 

York,  1909. 


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